Unqualified Appraisal: Zhōu Yú
I really, really hate what the standard mythology portrayal has become
Short version: the portrait given in the historiography comes off as a pretty cool guy, so the fact that the popular myth version is constantly vilified as a traitor is kind of baffling.
Take for example, the 2018 film Shadow. Sure, the names are changed, but the villainous and unlikable Zǐ Yú is really obviously supposed to be viewed as Zhōu Yú to an insulting degree (the villainous Lǔ Yán who is obviously supposed to be Lǔ Sù is a whole other can of worms I really cannot not get into here). Or the 2010 television drama Sān Guó, which portrays Zhōu Yú as constantly insubordinate, with a whole deathbed scene where he apologizes to Sūn Quán for his insubordination. The video game Dynasty Warriors 9 outright has a scenario where Zhōu Yú rebels against Sūn Quán.
Narrative
The Zhōu clan of Lùjiāng appears to have been an upper class family, having placed two of its members in the generations of Zhōu Yú's grandfather and father at the level of the Three Excellencies, highest rank in the Hàn regular bureaucracy. Within Zhōu Yú’s own immediate family, his father Zhōu Yì had at one point served as the administrative head of Luòyáng county,1 so even that branch had some degree of government service experience.
In the breakdown of Hàn imperial authority in 190, Sūn Jiān raised troops to leave his post as administrative head of Cháng’shā and march north to join the campaigns against Dǒng Zhuó, sending his family eastward, where they arrived in Shū county in Lùjiāng. Sūn Jiān’s eldest son Sūn Cè was very close in age to Zhōu Yú, with Zhōu Yú only about a month younger. Reportedly the two became close friends, so that Zhōu Yú arranged to provide for Sūn Cè's housing, and they shared everything together.2
When Sūn Jiān joined the coalition against Dǒng Zhuó, he pledged his services to the powerful and influential Yuán Shù, but Sūn Jiān was killed in battle around 191, and as the war spread across the central plains, Yuán Shù was driven out of his former base in Nányáng and went east into the region of the Huái river valley, taking Shòuchūn in Jiǔjiāng as his base, and installing Sūn Jiān’s brother-in-law (and Sūn Cè's mother's brother) Wú Jǐng and Sūn Jiān’s elder brother’s son (and Sūn Cè’s elder cousin) Sūn Bēn to the leading administrative positions of Dānyáng as a forward position to spread his influence south into the rest of Yáng province.
In 194, the Court under the control of a cabal of warlords mostly headed by Lǐ Jué appointed Liú Yáo as Inspector of Yáng province, an apparent challenge to Yuán Shù, but for the time being Liú Yáo avoided a direct confrontation with Yuán Shù, taking up a position at Qǔ'ā in Wú south of the Jiāng, where he built up strength before attacking Yuán Shù’s positions in Dānyáng, forcing Wú Jǐng and Sūn Bēn to retreat back north of the Jiāng. Yuán Shù sent them back south to attack Liú Yáo. Wú Jǐng and Sūn Bēn were unable to make much headway against Liú Yáo, who held a defensive line at the Jiāng, but in 195 they were joined by Sūn Cè, and at Sūn Cè's invitation, Zhōu Yú led troops to join him as well. It was probably around the time of these military activities that Yuán Shù installed Zhōu Yú's uncle Zhōu Shàng as Administrator of Dānyáng, possibly as Wú Jǐng’s successor, for it is recorded that Zhōu Yú accompanied his uncle to this post.
Under Sūn Cè’s command, the group was able to achieve a crossing of the Jiāng, and Zhōu Yú accompanied Sūn Cè through many of these early campaigns, driving Liú Yáo to retreat west upstream toward Yùzhāng. Sūn Cè decided to continue east to expand into Wú and Kuàijī, sending Zhōu Yú back to defend Dānyáng, but soon after this Yuán Shù had his cousin Yuán Yìn succeed Zhōu Shàng as Administrator of Dānyáng, summoning Zhōu Shàng and Zhōu Yú to Shòuchūn to take up other positions. However, Zhōu Yú, reportedly already predicting Yuán Shù would not be successful, declined Yuán Shù’s employment offers and instead stationed in Jūcháo, close to the Jiāng.3
It was during his time at Jūcháo that Zhōu Yú met a certain Lǔ Sù, and the two became very good friends.4
In 196, the Hàn Imperial Court had come under Cáo Cāo’s control, and in 197 Yuán Shù began usurping Imperial prerogatives to make his own claims to authority in opposition to the Cáo-controlled Hàn. Many of Yuán Shù's more distant followers, particularly Sūn Cè, took the opportunity to reaffirm their allegiance to Hàn and break with Yuán Shù. By 198, Zhōu Yú had crossed the Jiāng back south to rejoin Sūn Cè, participating in the western campaigns into Yùzhāng. In 199, Yuán Shù’s regime had largely collapsed and Yuán Shù himself died of illness. The remnants of his followers fled south toward Lùjiāng where they joined the local administrator Liú Xūn. Sūn Cè led a campaign into Lùjiāng, defeating and driving away Liú Xūn and capturing many of Yuán Shù’s former followers. It was in this way that Sūn Cè and Zhōu Yú captured two daughters of an influential Qiáo family, said to have been exceptional beauties. The two girls were added to their respective harems, the elder to Sūn Cè and the younger to Zhōu Yú, creating a marriage connection between the two.5 Afterward, Sūn Cè led another campaign further west into Jiāngxià, leaving Zhōu Yú there on the western front while he himself returned east to put down an uprising and prepare for another campaign, possibly north toward Guǎnglíng.6 However, in the spring of 200, during his campaign preparations, Sūn Cè was assassinated.
As Sūn Cè lay dying, he designated his younger brother Sūn Quán as his successor, entrusting him to the senior official Zhāng Zhāo. Zhōu Yú returned east for the funeral and remained, joining Zhāng Zhāo in managing affairs.7 Around this time, Zhōu Yú was able to successfully convince Lǔ Sù to remain in the south and join the service of Sūn Quán. It is said that from their very first meting, Sūn Quán was very impressed with Lǔ Sù, who became a closely trusted advisor and official.8
At this time, Sūn Quán’s official offices that he had inherited from his brother were still relatively low: Administrator (tàishǒu) of Kuàijī, and rank as a miscellaneous title General (záhào jiāngjūn). Since Sūn Quán was “only” a General, the courtesy and treatment he received from his subordinates was relatively simple, as a General might receive, but it is said that Zhōu Yú alone acted with the highest respect, using rituals more appropriate for a ruler and subject relationship.9
In 200, the Hàn Court under the control of Cáo Cāo had been busy with the threat of Yuán Shào to the north, and paid little attention to the southeast, accepting Sūn Quán's claims to succeed Sūn Cè's authority. In 202, with Yuán Shào recently defeated, the Court sent calls on Sūn Quán to formalize his nominal allegiance to Hàn by sending hostages to Court. It is said that Zhāng Zhāo and others were in favor of sending the hostages, but Zhōu Yú argued successfully against the idea. Sūn Quán's mother agreed with Zhōu Yú, and reportedly encouraged Sūn Quán to treat Zhōu Yú like an elder brother.10
As the political situation under Sūn Quán stabilized, Zhōu Yú once again took a lead in external military actions, leading western campaigns into Jiāngxià in 206 and 208.11
In the autumn of 208, the situation to their west changed drastically. Cáo Cāo, having successfully settled most of the north, led a campaign into Jīng province, and just as Cáo Cāo’s forces were approaching, the claimant Jīng province Governor Liú Biǎo died, and Liú Biǎo’s son Liú Cōng surrendered. The very popular military leader Liú Bèi was based in northern Jīng province, and sought to gather a resistance, but was defeated by Cáo Cāo and forced to flee east.
When Liú Biǎo had died, Lǔ Sù advised Sūn Quán to send him west to nominally give condolences to Liú Cōng in order to observe the political situation for any potential opportunities. Lǔ Sù was thus able to meet with Liú Bèi as the latter was fleeing east, and proposed that Liú Bèi and Sūn Quán join forces to oppose Cáo Cāo. Liú Bèi sent his official Zhūgě Liàng as an envoy to accompany Lǔ Sù back east to meet with Sūn Quán.12
With Liú Cōng’s surrender, Cáo Cāo had gained controlled over much of the Jīng province navy on the Jiāng, and sent open letters to Sūn Quán, threatening to come downstream and calling on Sūn Quán to surrender. It is said that all of Sūn Quán’s officers and officials from Zhāng Zhāo on down were in favor of submission, but Lǔ Sù alone remained quiet, and then met privately with Sūn Quán to argue in favor of resistance, advising Sūn Quán to quickly summon Zhōu Yú. When Zhōu Yú arrived, he also argued in favor of resistance, and was given command of thirty thousand men along with senior officers Chéng Pǔ and others to go west to join up with Liú Bèi and face off against Cáo Cāo.13
The allied forces took up a position on the south bank of the Jiāng at Chìbì. By this time, an epidemic had broken out in Cáo Cāo’s camps, and in the first engagement, Cáo Cāo’s forces were beaten back, and withdrew to station the north bank near Wūlín.14
At this point, Zhōu Yú's officer Huáng Gài observed that the enemy navy was closely packed together, making them vulnerable to fire. Huáng Gài sent letters to Cáo Cāo falsely claiming to surrender to lower their guard and allow his ships to draw close, before setting them aflame and crashing them into the enemy ships. The fire greatly damaged the fleet and spread to the northern camps. Cáo Cāo retreated westward to Jiānglíng in Nán, pursued by Liú Bèi and Zhōu Yú.15
Cáo Cāo left his officer Cáo Rén at Jiānglíng and personally returned north, to stabilize the political situation after his defeat and also deal with a second eastern front opened by Sūn Quán against Héféi.16 Zhōu Yú meanwhile continued to lead the allied forces to besiege Jiānglíng. The campaign was hard fought, lasting for a year through 209, and Zhōu Yú was personally wounded by an arrow in his right side, but eventually Cáo Rén was forced to retreat back north.17 By 210, Sūn Quán had installed Zhōu Yú as the Administrator of Nán, but Liú Bèi, who was already popular in the region from his previous years serving under Liú Biǎo, claimed title as Governor of Jīng Province and had built up a power base in the south of the province. Zhōu Yú advised Sūn Quán to summon Liú Bèi east and detain him, lest he become a threat on their borders, but Lǔ Sù argued that good relations with Liú Bèi should be maintained in order to take advantage of his popularity in Jīng Province. Sūn Quán ultimately decided on maintaining good relations with Liú Bèi, further confirming their alliance through a marriage of Sūn Quán's younger sister to Liú Bèi.18
At this time, Yì province to the west of Jīng province was controlled by Liú Zhāng, but his regime was weak, and Zhōu Yú proposed a western campaign to seize the province, to control the entire length of the Jiāng and unite all the southern territories against the north. Sūn Quán approved this plan, but during the preparations for the campaign, Zhōu Yú fell ill and died, aged thirty-six.19 Before he died, Zhōu Yú sent a letter nominating Lǔ Sù as his successor in the west. Sūn Quán indeed had Lǔ Sù take over command Zhōu Yú’s former troops, but office as the administrative head of Nán was instead given to the veteran officer Chéng Pǔ.20
It is said that when Sūn Quán held mourning for Zhōu Yú, Sūn Quán’s personal followers were emotionally moved by his grief. Sūn Quán personally traveled to receive the body on its way east, and provided for all funeral expenses. Later, Sūn Quán further issued special tax and conscription exemptions on the former personal retainers of Zhōu Yú and Chéng Pǔ.21
Zhōu Yú was said to have been a very generous and friendly man that generally got along well with others, so that he only did not get along with Chéng Pǔ, who reportedly belittled Zhōu Yú for his youth (Chéng Pǔ’s was a much older man who had served many years with Sūn Jiān; perhaps he disliked the much younger Zhōu Yú for potentially infringing on his seniority), but Zhōu Yú remained respectful and deferential, and eventually the relationship became more friendly.22 He was also noted for skill in music, and there was a popular story that even after drinking three rounds of alcohol, if there was a mistake in the music, he would immediately notice and look back toward it, so that at the time there was a saying: “If the tune errs, Cadet Zhōu turns.”23
Appraisals
The Sūn Quán portrayed in the historiography is full of the highest praises for Zhōu Yú, considering him a foundational pillar upon the state of Wú had been built. It is said that at the ascension ceremony where Sūn Quán made his claim to Imperial Title in 229, nearly 20 years after Zhōu Yú’s death, he turned back to his ministers and said: “If I had not had Zhōu Gōngjǐn, I would not be Emperor.”24
There is also a story that Cáo Cāo had previously heard of Zhōu Yú and wished to recruit him (probably as part of his general recruitment drive efforts after taking custody of the Hàn Court in 196), and at one point sent a celebrated scholar and debator Jiǎng Gàn south to see if Zhōu Yú could be convinced to come north. At their meeting, Zhōu Yú guessed immediately that Jiǎng Gàn had come to try to persuade him to go north and accused him of such, and also made such a show of his devotion and allegiance to Sūn Quán that Jiǎng Gàn did not even try to say anything to persuade him to go north. When Jiǎng Gàn returned north, he praised Zhōu Yú highly and stated that no words could convince him to change his allegiance, which further bolstered Zhōu Yú’s reputation in the central plains.25
Liú Bèi supposedly also praised Zhōu Yú, but in a way seemingly to wish to warn Sūn Quán against him: “Gōngjǐn’s civil and military resourcefulness is a flower out of ten thousand men; considering that his tolerance and capacity are vast and great, one only fears he will not remain the subordinate of another for long.” Perhaps naturally, the record of this appraisal accuses Liú Bèi of wishing to slander Zhōu Yú and sow suspicion against him.26
My Appraisal
What has tended to be particularly striking to me personally is the note that, at the very beginning of Sūn Quán’s succession to his elder brother, it was Zhōu Yú alone who treated Sūn Quán with the rituals of a subject to a ruler while everyone else treated him by his official title as a General. Here was a true believer in the dream: even at a time when Sūn Quán was “only” a General with unofficial control over six prefectures, Zhōu Yú was imagining Sūn Quán as something more. It is very reminiscent of the story of Lŭ Sù daring to boldly speak of Sūn Quán one day becoming an Emperor at their first meeting. This part of the Zhōu Yú and Lǔ Sù portrayal in the historiography is massively underappreciated in the usual portrayals in the mythology, and basically begging for a new fiction to build characterizations around these stories of their “visionary” aspects, but I repeat myself yet again.
I might guess that the story of Liú Bèi supposedly slandering Zhōu Yú’s loyalty could be one small part of the reason for the popular portrayal. Perhaps the later reinterpretation of Liú Bèi as morally perfect leader led someone to notice and bring the story back for re-interpretation as well: if the celebrated Liú Bèi supposedly said that Zhōu Yú might become disloyal in the future, then “obviously” Zhōu Yú must have been an evil and disloyal man and should therefore be portrayed as such at every opportunity. But this is just wild guesswork since I am not learned in the textual history of the evolution of the mythology version of the Zhōu Yú character.
As another wild guess, the desire to portrayal a treacherous Zhōu Yú could also be influenced by a wish to include a very basic story of the tensions and power struggles between a young ruler and powerful regent. Why Zhōu Yú and Sūn Quán then, instead of the numerous other possibilites of the era? Well, the most dramatic and bloody examples in the actual historiography are from the later time period, the Sīmǎ regents against the child to teenaged Cáo Emperors of late Wèi or the Sūn cadet branch regents against the child to teenaged Sūn Emperors of late Wú, and the mythology does not care about those because the mythology does not care about the late period of the era. Zhūgě Liàng and Liú Shàn are also right out, since the mythology would never dare treat Zhūgě Liàng as a potentially morally ambiguous character. Cáo Cāo and Liú Xié is probably out for similar reasons in the opposite direction: what story following the mythology would ever treat Cáo Cāo as a morally ambiguous character in the question of his power over Liú Xié?27 Another possible alternative might have been Zhāng Zhāo instead of Zhōu Yú as the regent which Sūn Quán had friction with, especially as the historigraphy does tell some dramatic stories surrounding the personality clashes between Zhāng Zhāo and Sūn Quán,28 but probably storytellers have tended to not find Zhāng Zhāo as interesting a character to dramatize as Zhōu Yú due to Zhāng Zhāo’s much poorer military record.
Still, even if I can find these sorts of hand-waving explanations for why the mythology might have developed along these lines, I still find it rather infuriating that the mythology’s protrayal of a treacherous Zhōu Yú is almost a reverse of the historiography portrayal. The man who supposedly treated Sūn Quán as his ruler instead of only a higher ranking officer before anyone else did, the man who with Lǔ Sù is credited as the only pro-resistance members of Sūn Quán’s entire senior officers, is treated as the most treacherous and insubordinate of Sūn Quán’s officers. The 2010 drama Sān Gúo even portrays Zhāng Zhāo as the loyal supporter of Sūn Quán against the insubordinate Zhōu Yú. And don’t get me started on Shadow and its portrayal of Zǐ Yú as a regicide.29
Dà Dūdū isn’t even a rank that Zhōu Yú actually held.
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》從祖父景,景子忠,皆為漢太尉。父異,洛陽令。
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》初,孫堅興義兵討董卓,徙家於舒。堅子策與瑜同年,獨相友善,瑜推道南大宅以舍策,升堂拜母,有無通共。
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》瑜從父尚為丹楊太守,瑜往省之。會策將東渡,到歷陽,馳書報瑜,瑜將兵迎策。策大喜曰:「吾得卿,諧也。」遂從攻橫江、當利,皆拔之。乃渡擊秣陵,破笮融、薛禮,轉下湖孰、江乘,進入曲阿,劉繇奔走,而策之衆已數萬矣。因謂瑜曰:「吾以此衆取吳會平山越已足。卿還鎮丹楊。」瑜還。頃之,袁術遣從弟胤代尚為太守,而瑜與尚俱還壽春。術欲以瑜為將,瑜觀術終無所成,故求為居巢長,欲假塗東歸,術聽之。
《三國志·吳書九·魯肅傳》周瑜為居巢長,將數百人故過候肅,并求資糧。肅家有兩囷米,各三千斛,肅乃指一囷與周瑜,瑜益知其奇也,遂相親結,定僑、札之分。袁術聞其名,就署東城長。肅見術無綱紀,不足與立事,乃攜老弱將輕俠少年百餘人,南到居巢就瑜。瑜之東渡,因與同行,留家曲阿。會祖母亡,還葬東城。
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》遂自居巢還吳。是歲,建安三年也。策親自迎瑜,授建威中郎將,即與兵二千人,騎五十匹。瑜時年二十四,吳中皆呼為周郎。以瑜恩信著於廬江,出備牛渚,後領春穀長。頃之,策欲取荊州,以瑜為中護軍,領江夏太守,從攻皖,拔之。時得橋公兩女,皆國色也。策自納大橋,瑜納小橋。
《三國志注·吳書九·周瑜傳》江表傳曰:策從容戲瑜曰:「橋公二女雖流離,得吾二人作壻,亦足為歡。」
Since the Qiáo sisters are the only members of Sūn Cè’s and Zhōu Yú’s harems of which we still have extant record, and as the marriage connection between the two, the mythology quite naturally focuses on them and usually portrays them as principal wives and mother of Sūn Cè’s and Zhōu Yú’s known children. However, it is perhaps worth noting that their marriages are described as 納, the term usually used for marriage to a lesser wife of the harem rather than for the marriage to the principal wife (娶), and seeing as Sūn Cè and Zhōu Yú were from families with some wealth and status, they most likely would have already had an arranged marriage with a principal wife from a young age, long before they met the Qiáo sisters. The mythology also often portrays the father of the Qiáo sisters as the famed statesman Qiáo Xuán, who had been an early political patron of a young and then-unknown Cáo Cāo at the start of Cāo’s career, but Qiáo Xuán had previously died in 184 in his 70s. Of course, some men are known to have children even at very advanced ages, but it still seems less likely for Xuán to have fathered the two sisters in his 70s. It is also possible that they may have been distant relations of the same clan due to the Qiáo clan’s size and influence (Qiáo Xuán was, for example, a distant relation of Qiáo Mào, one of the prominent early members of the coalition against Dǒng Zhuó), but if there was any familial connection, it is impossible to verify with extant records, and in any case would only be a mere curiosity.
In the historiography it is claimed that Sūn Cè was targeting Xǔ city, the new capital of Hàn under Cáo Cāo’s regime, but commentators such as Sūn Shèng have pointed out that such a plan seems unrealistically ambitious. Personally I suspect the belief he was targeting Xǔ may be a misreading of Sūn Cè’s military preparations, or possibly even the result of an intentional misdirection on Sūn Cè’s part, falsely spreading rumors in order to hide the real target of his preparations. One account suggests Guǎnglíng as an alternative target, which was a much closer and much more immediate threat (the recent uprisings in Wú had been supported by agents sent by Cáo Cāo’s allies Chén Yǔ and Chén Dēng in Guǎnglíng), and therefore seems the more realistic aim of Sūn Cè’s preparations.
《三國志·魏書一·武帝紀》孫策聞公與紹相持,乃謀襲許,未發,為刺客所殺。
《三國志·吳書一·孫策傳》建安五年,曹公與袁紹相拒於官渡,策陰欲襲許,迎漢帝,密治兵,部署諸將。未發,會為故吳郡太守許貢客所殺。
《三國志注·吳書一·孫策傳》江表傳曰:廣陵太守陳登治射陽,登即瑀之從兄子也。策前西征,登陰復遣間使,以印綬與嚴白虎餘黨,圖為後害,以報瑀見破之辱。策歸,復討登。
《三國志注·吳書一·孫策傳》孫盛異同評曰:凡此數書,各有所失。孫策雖威行江外,略有六郡,然黃祖乘其上流,陳登間其心腹,且深險彊宗未盡歸復,曹、袁虎爭,勢傾山海,策豈暇遠師汝、潁,而遷帝於吳、越哉?斯蓋庸人之所鑒見,況策達於事勢者乎?
《三國志·吳書一·孫策傳》創甚,請張昭等謂曰:「中國方亂,夫以吳、越之衆,三江之固,足以觀成敗。公等善相吾弟!」呼權佩以印綬,謂曰:「舉江東之衆,決機於兩陳之間,與天下爭衡,卿不如我;舉賢任能,各盡其心,以保江東,我不知卿。」至夜卒,時年二十六。
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》五年,策薨,權統事。瑜將兵赴喪,遂留吳,以中護軍與長史張昭共掌衆事。
《三國志·吳書九·魯肅傳》瑜因薦肅才宜佐時,當廣求其比,以成功業,不可令去也。權即見肅,與語甚恱之。
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》是時權位為將軍,諸將賔客為禮尚簡,而瑜獨先盡敬,便執臣節。
《三國志注·吳書九·周瑜傳》江表傳曰:曹公新破袁紹,兵威日盛,建安七年,下書責權質任子。權召羣臣會議,張昭、秦松等猶豫不能決,權意不欲遣質,乃獨將瑜詣母前定議,瑜曰:「昔楚國初封於荊山之側,不滿百里之地,繼嗣賢能,廣土開境,立基於郢,遂據荊揚,至於南海,傳業延祚,九百餘年。今將軍承父兄餘資,六郡之衆,兵精糧多,將士用命,鑄山為銅,煑海為鹽,境內富饒,人不思亂,汎舟舉帆,朝發夕到,士風勁勇,所向無敵,有何偪迫,而欲送質?質一入,不得不與曹氏相首尾,與相首尾,則命召不得不往,便見制於人也。極不過一侯印,僕從十餘人,車數乘,馬數匹,豈與南靣稱孤同哉?不如勿遣,徐觀其變。若曹氏能率義以正天下,將軍事之未晚。若圖為暴,亂兵猶火也,不戢將自焚。將軍韜勇抗威,以待天命,何送質之有!」權母曰:「公瑾議是也。公瑾與伯符同年,小一月耳,我視之如子也,汝其兄事之。」遂不送質。
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》十一年,督孫瑜等討麻、保二屯,梟其渠帥,囚俘萬餘口,還備官亭。江夏太守黃祖遣將鄧龍將兵數千人入柴桑,瑜追討擊,生虜龍送吳。十三年春,權討江夏,瑜為前部大督。
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》時劉備為曹公所破,欲引南渡江,與魯肅遇於當陽,遂共圖計,因進住夏口,遣諸葛亮詣權,權遂遣瑜及程普等與備并力逆曹公,遇於赤壁。
《三國志·吳書九·魯肅傳》劉表死。肅進說曰:「夫荊楚與國鄰接,水流順北,外帶江漢,內阻山陵,有金城之固,沃野萬里,士民殷富,若據而有之,此帝王之資也。今表新亡,二子素不輯睦,軍中諸將,各有彼此。加劉備天下梟雄,與操有隙,寄寓於表,表惡其能而不能用也。若備與彼協心,上下齊同,則宜撫安,與結盟好;如有離違,宜別圖之,以濟大事。肅請得奉命弔表二子,并慰勞其軍中用事者,及說備使撫表衆,同心一意,共治曹操,備必喜而從命。如其克諧,天下可定也。今不速往,恐為操所先。」權即遣肅行。到夏口,聞曹公已向荊州,晨夜兼道。比至南郡,而表子琮已降曹公,備惶遽奔走,欲南渡江。肅徑迎之,到當陽長阪,與備會,宣騰權旨,及陳江東彊固,勸備與權併力。備甚歡恱。時諸葛亮與備相隨,肅謂亮曰「我子瑜友也」,即共定交。備遂到夏口,遣亮使權,肅亦反命。
《三國志·吳書九·魯肅傳》會權得曹公欲東之問,與諸將議,皆勸權迎之,而肅獨不言。權起更衣,肅追於宇下,權知其意,執肅手曰:「卿欲何言?」肅對曰:「向察衆人之議,專欲誤將軍,不足與圖大事。今肅可迎操耳,如將軍,不可也。何以言之?今肅迎操,操當以肅還付鄉黨,品其名位,猶不失下曹從事,乘犢車,從吏卒,交游士林,累官故不失州郡也。將軍迎操,將安所歸?願早定大計,莫用衆人之議也。」權歎息曰:「此諸人持議,甚失孤望;今卿廓開大計,正與孤同,此天以卿賜我也。」時周瑜受使至鄱陽,肅勸追召瑜還。遂任瑜以行事,以肅為贊軍校尉,助畫方略。
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》時曹公軍衆已有疾病,初一交戰,公軍敗退,引次江北。瑜等在南岸。
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》瑜部將黃蓋曰:「今寇衆我寡,難與持乆。然觀操軍船艦首尾相接,可燒而走也。」乃取蒙衝鬬艦數十艘,實以薪草,膏油灌其中,裹以帷幕,上建牙旗,先書報曹公,欺以欲降。又豫備走舸,各繫大船後,因引次俱前。曹公軍吏士皆延頸觀望,指言蓋降。蓋放諸船,同時發火。時風盛猛,悉延燒岸上營落。頃之,煙炎張天,人馬燒溺死者甚衆,軍遂敗退,還保南郡。備與瑜等復共追。曹公留曹仁等守江陵城,徑自北歸。
《三國志注·吳書二·吳主傳》權自率衆圍合肥,使張昭攻九江之當塗。昭兵不利,權攻城踰月不能下。曹公自荊州還,遣張喜將騎赴合肥。未至,權退。
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》瑜與程普又進南郡,與仁相對,各隔大江。兵未交鋒,瑜即遣甘寧前據夷陵。仁分兵騎別攻圍寧。寧告急於瑜。瑜用呂蒙計,留凌統以守其後,身與蒙上救寧。寧圍旣解,乃渡屯北岸,克期大戰。瑜親跨馬擽陣,會流矢中右脅,瘡甚,便還。後仁聞瑜卧未起,勒兵就陣。瑜乃自興,案行軍營,激揚吏士,仁由是遂退。
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》權拜瑜偏將軍,領南郡太守。以下雋、漢昌、瀏陽、州陵為奉邑,屯據江陵。劉備以左將軍領荊州牧,治公安。備詣京見權,瑜上疏曰:「劉備以梟雄之姿,而有關羽、張飛熊虎之將,必非乆屈為人用者。愚謂大計宜徙備置吳,盛為築宮室,多其美女玩好,以娛其耳目,分此二人,各置一方,使如瑜者得挾與攻戰,大事可定也。今猥割土地以資業之,聚此三人,俱在疆場,恐蛟龍得雲雨,終非池中物也。」權以曹公在北方,當廣擥英雄,又恐備難卒制,故不納。
《三國志·吳書九·魯肅傳》後備詣京見權,求都督荊州,惟肅勸權借之,共拒曹公。曹公聞權以土地業備,方作書,落筆於地。
《三國志注·吳書九·魯肅傳》漢晉春秋曰:呂範勸留備,肅曰:「不可。將軍雖神武命世,然曹公威力實重,初臨荊州,恩信未洽,宜以借備,使撫安之。多操之敵,而自為樹黨,計之上也。」權即從之。
《三國志·蜀書二·先主傳》琦病死,羣下推先主為荊州牧,治公安。權稍畏之,進妹固好。先主至京見權,綢繆恩紀。
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》是時劉璋為益州牧,外有張魯寇侵,瑜乃詣京見權曰:「今曹操新折衂,方憂在腹心,未能與將軍道兵相事也。乞與奮威俱進取蜀,得蜀而并張魯,因留奮威固守其地,好與馬超結援。瑜還與將軍據襄陽以蹙操,北方可圖也。」權許之。瑜還江陵,為行裝,而道於巴丘病卒,時年三十六。
《三國志注·吳書九·魯肅傳》周瑜病困,上疏曰:「當今天下,方有事役,是瑜乃心夙夜所憂,願至尊先慮未然,然後康樂。今旣與曹操為敵,劉備近在公安,邊境密邇,百姓未附,宜得良將以鎮撫之。魯肅智略足任,乞以代瑜。瑜隕踣之日,所懷盡矣。」即拜肅奮武校尉,代瑜領兵。瑜士衆四千餘人,奉邑四縣,皆屬焉。令程普領南郡太守。
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》權素服舉哀,感慟左右。喪當還吳,又迎之蕪湖,衆事費度,一為供給。後著令曰:「故將軍周瑜、程普,其有人客,皆不得問。」
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》性度恢廓,大率為得人,惟與程普不睦。
《三國志注·吳書九·周瑜傳》江表傳曰:普頗以年長數陵侮瑜。瑜折節容下,終不與校。普後自敬服而親重之,乃告人曰:「與周公瑾交,若飲醇醪,不覺自醉。」時人以其謙讓服人如此。
《三國志·吳書九·周瑜傳》瑜少精意於音樂,雖三爵之後,其有闕誤,瑜必知之,知之必顧,故時人謠曰:「曲有誤,周郎顧。」
In the original language, the saying rhymes.
《三國志注·吳書九·周瑜傳》及卒,權流涕曰:「公瑾有王佐之資,今忽短命,孤何賴哉!」後權稱尊號,謂公卿曰:「孤非周公瑾,不帝矣。」
《三國志注·吳書九·周瑜傳》初曹公聞瑜年少有美才,謂可游說動也,乃密下揚州,遣九江蔣幹往見瑜。幹有儀容,以才辯見稱,獨步江、淮之閒,莫與為對。乃布衣葛巾,自託私行詣瑜。瑜出迎之,立謂幹曰:「子翼良苦,遠涉江湖為曹氏作說客邪?」幹曰:「吾與足下州里,中閒別隔,遙聞芳烈,故來叙闊,并觀雅規,而云說客,無乃逆詐乎?」瑜曰:「吾雖不及夔、曠,聞弦賞音,足知雅曲也。」因延幹入,為設酒食。畢,遣之曰:「適吾有密事,且出就館,事了,別自相請。」後三日,瑜請幹與周觀營中,行視倉庫軍資器仗訖,還宴飲,示之侍者服飾珍玩之物,因謂幹曰:「丈夫處世,遇知己之主,外託君臣之義,內結骨肉之恩,言行計從,禍福共之,假使蘇張更生,酈叟復出,猶撫其背而折其辭,豈足下幼生所能移乎?」幹但笑,終無所言。幹還,稱瑜雅量高致,非言辭所間。中州之士,亦以此多之。
《三國志注·吳書九·周瑜傳》昭、肅等先出,權獨與備留語,因言次,歎瑜曰:「公瑾文武籌略,萬人之英,顧其器量廣大,恐不乆為人臣耳。」瑜之破魏軍也,曹公曰:「孤不羞走。」後書與權曰:「赤壁之役,值有疾病,孤燒船自退,橫使周瑜虛獲此名。」瑜威聲遠著,故曹公、劉備咸欲疑譖之。
Of the top of my head, I can only think of the 2012 film The Assassins (probably better translated as Bronze Sparrow Terrace) as bothering to even hint at any sort of ambiguity, where it has a scene of Liú Xié angrily demanding Cáo Cāo return political power, only for Cáo Cāo to say he would have gladly done so a long time ago if only Liú Xiè had proven himself a more worthy leader.
Probably the most famous one being the story where Zhāng Zhāo refused to accept an apology from Sūn Quán, leading Sūn Quán to set the gate to Zhāng Zhāo’s estate on fire to try to force Zhāng Zhāo to come out and accept the apology.
Honestly Shadow probably wouldn’t have pissed me so much if it had done more to properly set itself apart and not just use lazy and insulting name changes like Jīngzhōu to Jìngzhōu, Zhōu Yú to Zǐ Yú, Lǔ Sù to Lǔ Yán, and so on. They even use the title Dà Dūdū constantly to basically tell the audience “you are supposed to imagine this is Zhōu Yú and hate Zhōu Yú.” This Dà Dūdū thing is so insulting because they tried to hand-wave “oh, but this isn’t the Three Kingdoms, this is a fiction story based on the Warring States era,” in promotional material and the opening text box, when Dà Dūdū was never a regular rank in the Warring States era (or Qín or Hàn for that matter). They could have very, very easily used Dà Jiāngjūn or Dà Sīmǎ, which would have been more “realistic” due to that being actual commander-in-chief type ranks in the Warring States era, but then it wouldn’t be as obvious that the audience is supposed to imagine Zǐ Yú as Zhōu Yú.
Typically SGYY's fictional tendencies are to exaggerate character traits/reputations, rather than make them up completely. Zhou Yu is an odd exception to this - there seems to be nothing of the historical Zhou Yu in the scheming, jealous, petty character he is portrayed as after the Battle of Chibi in the novel. I'm struggling to figure out why exactly later authors wanted to destroy his good name.
Assuming a pro-Shu preference in later storytellers, does slandering Zhou Yu's reputation really bolster that of Zhuge Liang? Lu Xun did far more damage to Shu and yet the novel and later stories never attack him.
Zhou Yu's attempt to unite the entire south is one of the more interesting "what if" three kingdoms scenarios. I imagine he probably would've succeeded, simply because when a courageous and brilliant man like Zhou Yu puts a weak man like Liu Zhang under pressure, the weak man is bound to crack. How would Liu Bei have responded to that campaign? Zhou Yu's conquest of Shu would've put Liu Bei in an exceedingly difficult strategic position, essentially surrounded on all sides. Would war have broken out between Liu and Sun while Zhou Yu was away in the west?