Wú rather infamously suffered from succession troubles and instability in its final decades. Four out of Sūn Quán’s seven recorded sons died violently, not to mention the numerous other ministers and officers and officials who suffered violent ends in the bloody purges and coups.
A full treatment on Wú’s later instability would require multiple articles, and in any case is already being handled by others, but I thought it might still be useful to give a very brief overview of Sūn Quán’s seven sons to help serve as an introductory primer and reference. These seven, in order of birth, were:
Sūn Dēng (209 - 241)
Sūn Lǜ (213 - 232)
Sūn Hé (224 - 253)
Sūn Bà (d. 250)
Sūn Fèn (d. 270)
Sūn Xiū (235 - 264)
Sūn Liàng (243 - 260)
The two youngest, Xiū and Liàng, were enthroned as Emperors, and therefore are given in the “annals” sections in SGZ 49,1 where the elder five are grouped together in SGZ 59.
Sūn Dēng and Sūn Lǜ
Sūn Dēng, the eldest son of Sūn Quán, was born around 209, when Sūn Quán himself was about 27, and also around the same time as Sūn Quán was formally breaking with the Cáo Cāo-controlled Hàn central government.2 Dēng’s birth mother was reportedly of lowly origins, so much so that we no longer have extant record even of the woman’s family name, and Sūn Quán had the boy raised by the lady Xú, who was probably Sūn Quán’s primary consort at that time.3 Later Sūn Quán and the lady Xú became estranged, reportedly due to the lady’s jealousy, and she was kept in Sūn Quán’s former residence in Wú county while Sūn Quán himself shifted his headquarters to Jiànyè in 211.4
Sūn Lǜ, the next son, was born around 213,5 and from a young age was noted as intelligent and kind and possessing talent and skill, so that Sūn Quán was especially impressed with and favored him.6 Like with Sūn Dēng, we no longer have record of Lǜ’s birth mother, which perhaps could be a sign that she may also have been from lowly origins.
In early 220, Sūn Quán had moved from Jiànyè in Yáng province to Wǔchāng in Jīng province, to more directly administer his recently acquired territories in that region.7 In 221, as Sūn Quán made formal surrender to the Wèi regime and was rewarded with title as King of Wú, Sūn Dēng was formally installed as the Wú Heir-Apparent. The Wèi regime also sought to bestow a fief title and official rank on Sūn Dēng, to have him come north to take up a position at the Wèi Court, a hostage to ensure the sincerity of his father’s surrender, but Sūn Quán made excuses and would not send him, eventually leading to a return to war between the north and south.8
To ensure that Sūn Dēng would have a good education and strong support network, Sūn Quán arranged for Sūn Dēng’s retinue to be filled with the sons and younger relatives of the powerful ministers and great clans of the growing Wú state: Zhūgě Kè the son of Zhūgě Jǐn, Zhāng Xiū the son of Zhāng Zhāo, Gù Tán the son of Gù Shào and grandson of Gù Yōng, and Chén Biǎo the son of Chén Wǔ. Inside they studied and discussed the classics together, and going out they would ride and shoot together. Sūn Quán also wished for Sūn Dēng to be knowledgeable about more recent history and ordered him to study the Hàn shū, and as Zhāng Zhāo had expertise in the subject, had Zhāng Zhāo educate Zhāng Xiū and Zhāng Xiū pass on the learnings to Sūn Dēng.9
In 228, Sūn Lǜ was honored with an enfeoffment as Marquis of Jiànchāng.10
In 229, as Sūn Quán advanced his claims to take title as Emperor, Sūn Dēng was again formally established as the Imperial Heir-Apparent. Zhūgě Kè, Zhāng Xiū, Gù Tán, and Chén Biǎo had their positions formalized with ranks and titles as the “Four Friends” to the Heir-Apparent, while Sūn Dēng’s personal retinue expanded to take on famed figures such as Xiè Jǐng, Fàn Shèn, Diāo Xuán, and Yáng Dào.11
Sūn Dēng gained a reputation for sympathy and care for others. Whenever he went out, he avoided farm fields so as to avoid trampling on sprouting grain, and whenever he stopped he sought to use empty and uncultivated land. Dēng’s entry also includes an anecdote that once while traveling a crossbow pellet passed by him, and Dēng’s angry retinue searched for the shooter, finding a man with a crossbow and belt of pellets. The man refused to admit guilt, and Dēng’s angry retinue wished to beat him, but Dēng insisted that his retinue find the actual pellet, and when it was found, it did not match the pellets carried by the man, who was released. Another anecdote tells that one of Sūn Dēng’s attendants once stole a valuable gold basin from him, and when the thief was discovered, Sūn Dēng only shouted at and dismissed him, refusing to apply the usual punishments and forbidding others from reporting the crime.12
Sūn Dēng also had a reputation for filial piety toward his adoptive mother, the disgraced lady Xú. After the lady Xú lost favor and was left behind in Wú, Sūn Quán’s new favorite became the lady Bù. When the lady Bù gave gifts to Sūn Dēng, he accepted the gifts with the expected ritual bows and nothing more. When the lady Xú sent him gifts of clothing from afar, he always bathed himself before wearing them. Another anecdote tells that when Sūn Quán sought to formally install Sūn Dēng as the Imperial Heir-Apparent, Sūn Dēng sought to decline and said that Sūn Quán should first install an Empress before an Heir-Apparent. When Sūn Quán countered by asking where his mother was, Sūn Dēng boldly replied: “In Wú,” in reference to the lady Xú.13
Later in 229, the same year as his ascension, Sūn Quán returned to his former capital at Jiànyè in the eastern part of his empire, leaving Sūn Dēng and his younger brothers together with Lù Xùn at Wǔchāng to manage the western part. A small anecdote preserved in the biographical entry of Lù Xùn records that Sūn Lǜ once built an arena for duck fighting, a popular spectator blood sport of the time, so that Lù Xùn remonstrated Sūn Lǜ for engaging in such frivolities instead of focusing on his studies. Sūn Lǜ accepted the criticism and immediately had the arena dismantled.14
Around this same time, proposals were made for Sūn Quán to begin enfeoffing his sons as kings, and in 230 a specific proposal was made to advance Sūn Lǜ’s fief rank, but Sūn Quán did not accept these proposals. Nevertheless, it was later proposed that the reportedly talented Sūn Lǜ should gain experience through formal appointment to serve the state, and that proposal was accepted, with Sūn Lǜ receiving high rank, his own staff, and a garrison command. At the time, due to his status as a son of the Emperor and his youth, many doubted him, but he remained focused on his duties and eventually won acceptance.15
However, in 232, Sūn Lǜ died of illness. Sūn Quán was devastated and ate very little. Sūn Dēng left Wǔchāng and traveled day and night to Jiànyè see his father, and remonstrated him to take care of himself for the good of the state, and afterward Sūn Quán resumed eating. After a little over ten days, Sūn Quán wished to have Sūn Dēng return to Wǔchāng, but Sūn Dēng begged to remain to look after his father, stating that the affairs of the west could be trusted with Lù Xùn. Sūn Dēng was permitted to stay, and later in 234 when Sūn Quán led a northern campaign against Wèi, Sūn Dēng remained behind at Jiànyè, and was praised for working to prevent crime in a year of poor harvests.16
In 241, Sūn Dēng fell ill and died, aged 33 in traditional reckoning. As he was dying, he composed a final memorial to his father, preserved in his biographical entry. The memorial dutifully expresses concern for the state, with Dēng writing that he does not mourn for himself but for his inability to serve his father and country, and for the grief his impending death will surely cause his father. He therefore dutifully writes that his next surviving brother Sūn Hé must be quickly installed as the next Heir-Apparent. The memorial also discusses the men in his retinue, Zhūgě Kè and others, praising them and recommending them as valuable officials for the state. He also praised the great senior ministers of the state, Lù Xùn, Zhūgě Jǐn, and many others as loyal and devoted, saying that if they are employed well to strengthen the army and the state, within five to ten years Wú could unite the empire. The memorial was only read after Dēng’s death, so that Sūn Quán was all the more mournful. Sūn Dēng’s personal friend Xiè Jǐng was Yùzhāng Administrator at that time. Upon hearing the news of Dēng’s death, he was so devastated that he abandoned his post to come running to the capital. Afterward he impeached himself for abandoning his post, but Sūn Quán pardoned him, commenting on his friendship with Sūn Dēng.17
Sūn Lǜ died without sons and his fief was abolished after his death.18 Sūn Dēng had at least three sons, two of whom died young. The surviving son Sūn Yīng eventually obtained an enfeoffment as Marquis of Wú, but was executed in 254 in connection to a plot against the then-regent Sūn Jùn.19
Compared to the accounts of their younger brothers, the preserved portrayals of Sūn Dēng and Sūn Lǜ are quite positive, featuring touching anecdotes and quotations from written documents containing praises of the two. There is of course the possibility that these portrayals are influenced by a sort of “nostalgia,” due to the much darker histories surrounding their younger brothers and a belief that the later catastrophes could have been avoided had they lived longer, but that is no reason to dismiss the accounts. And while it is admittedly true that there is no guarantee that things would necessarily been better had either survived, it certainly would have been different, and what actually happened sets such a low bar it is quite difficult to imagine an alternate history based around a surviving Sūn Dēng or Sūn Lǜ being as bad or worse.
Sūn Hé and Sūn Bà
Before diving into the accounts of the next two sons, it is perhaps worth mentioning the important caveat that the political controversies surrounding Sūn Hé and Sūn Bà necessarily colors the records surrounding them. Those who later recalled and wrote down their recollections of the events, no matter how upright and honest they may (or may not) have wished to be, would still suffer from the very human problem of having their memories and writings influenced by the very strong emotions involved.
For instance, the most positive accounts of Sūn Hé must be tempered by the fact that Hé’s son Hào later became Emperor, and there are stories that Sūn Hào actively meddled in the official history project of Wú, particularly in the records of his father.20 This is not to say the records are necessarily false, but one might still suspect some parts to be misrepresented or exaggerated and require a little “reading between the lines.”
As previously mentioned, shortly before Sūn Dēng died, he praised and nominated his next eldest surviving brother Sūn Hé as a suitable heir, and urged that Sūn Hé be formally installed as the Heir-Apparent immediately. There is also a claim in the historiography that Sūn Dēng had always been deferential to Sūn Hé and treated his younger brother as an elder brother,21 though if true the importance of this might be exaggerated.
Sūn Hé had been born around 224 to a lady of the Wáng clan of Lángyé. The lady Wáng reportedly gained Sūn Quán’s favor, which was extended to their son.22 By one account, Sūn Hé was also favored for demonstrating talent and intelligence, so that Sūn Quán especially favored him above the other sons, keeping Hé in his personal retinue, and bestowing him clothes and gifts distinct from his other sons.23 One might suspect that these accounts of exceptional treatment in Sūn Hé’s childhood may be exaggerated or even outright false, given that the later controversy that was to come surrounding Hé and his younger brother Bà involved Sūn Hé not receiving exceptional treatment. If Hé really did receive exceptional treatment in childhood, apparently that situation did not last.
Sūn Dēng died in the fifth moon of 241, and in the first moon of 242, Sūn Hé was installed as the Heir-Apparent. But later that same year, in the eighth moon, Sūn Bà, fourth son of Sūn Quán, was also enfeoffed as King of Lǔ, and the ritual treatment and bestowments on Sūn Bà were no different from those on Sūn Hé.24 Further, it is recorded that Sūn Hé and Sūn Bà and their respective followings did not get along, and when Sūn Quán heard of this he restricted communication between the two groups, ordering that his sons should only focus on their studies.25
A former member of Sūn Dēng’s retinue, Yáng Dào, was reportedly alarmed by this situation and submitted a memorial stating that the difference in rank between the Heir-Apparent and the vassal kings must be made clear. These warnings were apparently not very well heeded, for a faction, probably encouraged by the apparent lack of favor shown to Sūn Hé, began to gather around Sūn Bà and lobby for replacing Hé with Bà as the Heir-Apparent.26
It is claimed that the struggle between the factions surrounding Sūn Hé and Sūn Bà spread even to the senior ministers of Court,27 a very dangerous situation, and at last in 250 Sūn Quán sought to take decisive action: Sūn Hé was deposed and Sūn Bà was bestowed death. Many from the retinue and followers of both Hé and Bà were executed or exiled or, if they were more fortunate, dismissed from office.28 At the end of that lunar year, Sūn Quán’s youngest son Sūn Liàng was established as the new Heir-Apparent.29
Sūn Fèn and Sūn Xiū and Sūn Liàng
Sūn Quán’s fifth son, Sūn Fèn, born to a lady Zhòng,30 was apparently not a popular figure, for his portrait in the historiography is rather negative. Most of the accounts deal with stories after Sūn Liàng’s ascension, however, and so we will come back to it later.
Similarly, there is little recorded of the sixth son Sūn Xiū31 prior to Sūn Liàng’s ascension, so we come back to it after addressing the reign of Sūn Liàng.
Sūn Liàng, due to being the youngest son, born in Sūn Quán’s old age, became the favorite of his declining father. When Hé was deposed and Bà bestowed death, Liàng was installed as the next Heir-Apparent, passing over both his elder brothers Fèn and Xiū. At the time of his establishment, Liàng was only about 7 years old.32
In the eleventh moon of 251, Sūn Quán fell ill, and it was probably obvious even to Sūn Quán himself that his end was fast approaching. In the twelfth moon, the popular Zhūgě Kè was summoned and appointed Grand Tutor to the Heir-Apparent to entrust him with the regency, and as Sūn Quán’s illness was already serious, Zhūgě Kè began to oversee government affairs even then.33 By the first moon of 252, further steps were taken to properly distinguish the Heir-Apparent from his brothers and secure the succession line: Sūn Hé was given fief as King of Nányáng, Sūn Fèn fief as King of Qí, and Sūn Xiū as King of Lángyé, and all three were sent away from the capital to their “fiefs.”34 In the fourth moon, Sūn Quán died.35
As a child Emperor, most of the records of the reign of Sūn Liàng are concerned with the actions of his regents, though a few anecdotes are also preserved on Sūn Liàng’s character, intended to demonstrate his intelligence and make clear his wish to eventually rule in his own right. Most famously, even at his young age Sūn Liàng sought to build up his own power base by raising and training a personal army composed of the sons and junior relatives of the senior officials and military officers, remarking that he and his personal army would grow up together.36
In 253, the Palace official Sūn Jùn, a distant cadet of the Imperial family, reportedly persuaded the young Sūn Liàng (at the time about 9) to approve the removal and assassination of Zhūgě Kè. After the assassination, Sūn Jùn took power as regent himself.37
Previously, when Sūn Fèn had been established as a king and sent to his fief, he was criticized for living an extravagant lifestyle. He had also previously clashed with Zhūgě Kè when Kè had relocated Fèn’s fief out of a wish to not have the vassal kings be located so close to the strategically important military front between Wèi and Wú. When Sūn Fèn heard of Zhūgě Kè’s assassination, he left his fief and headed toward the capital to watch for an opportunity, executing the officials who remonstrated and attempted to stop him. As a result of this clearly treasonous activity, he was stripped of his royal title and reduced to a commoner. In 258 he would receive a pardon and another enfeoffment, but only as a marquis and not a king.38
There were rumors and accusations that Zhūgě Kè had been secretly plotting to depose Sūn Liàng and enthrone Sūn Hé, and therefore Sūn Jùn had Sūn Hé deposed and bestowed death.39
In 256, Sūn Jùn suddenly fell ill and died, and the regency was passed to Jùn’s younger first cousin Sūn Chēn.40
By this time, Sūn Liàng had reached his early teens and begun to attempt to take an active role in government, much to Sūn Chēn’s anxiety and displeasure. In 258, Sūn Liàng became involved in a plot to remove and assassinate Sūn Chēn, but the plan leaked and Sūn Chēn struck first. As Sūn Chēn’s troops surrounded the Palace,41 Sūn Chēn gathered the senior ministers of Court and announced that Sūn Liàng was suffering insanity and therefore would be deposed and demoted to King of Lángyé, and replaced by Sūn Quán’s sixth son, Sūn Xiū.42
Sūn Xiū, at the time about 23, was enthroned and sought to keep Sūn Chēn placated, but nevertheless suspicion grew between the two sides, and near the end of the same lunar year, Sūn Xiū led a successful surprise coup, capturing and executing Sūn Chēn.43
The political situation remained unstable, however, for despite the nominal end of a regency government and the ascension of an adult ruler, Sūn Xiū was still heavily dependent on those close ministers who had supported him in his enthronement and then in the coup against Sūn Chēn. Some of this may have been due to a reported lack in strength of will on Sūn Xiū’s part, but some may also have been an acknowledgment that the same powers that had enthroned Xiū could also potentially remove him, especially with the weakness of Xiū’s legitimacy after all the political instability of the past decade. As a reminder of this weakness, in 260 rumors spread that the deposed Sūn Liàng was plotting to retake the throne. As a result, Sūn Liàng was demoted from King of Lángyé to Marquis of Hòuguān and ordered to relocate to the new fief. Sūn Liàng died during the journey, officially due to suicide, and Sūn Liàng’s escort was all executed, but there were rumors that Sūn Liàng had been poisoned at Sūn Xiū’s order.44
In 264, Sūn Xiū, at the time around 30, suddenly fell ill and died. He had already installed a son as Heir-Apparent and, being so ill as to be unable to speak, desperately pointed toward that child to his close ministers to entrust them as regents, but after Sūn Xiū’s death, the would-be regents decided that, due to the state of emergency (Wú’s ally to the west Shǔ-Hàn had just been conquered, and Wú’s southern territories were in open rebellion), Wú could not survive another regency period, and that a grown adult must be enthroned. They therefore instead welcomed and enthroned Sūn Hé’s eldest son Sūn Hào as the next Emperor.45
For better or worse (probably worse), Sūn Hào proved a much more willful and active ruler than Sūn Xiū, with no intention of being at the mercy of the powerful ministers that had enthroned him: as soon as he had built up sufficient personal power he moved against and exterminated those powerful close ministers that had dominated the reign of Sūn Xiū, and further had Sūn Xiū’s young sons demoted and then quietly killed,46 lest they become alternative rallying points against him. It is doubtful however if such brutal and authoritarian action bolstered his legitimacy very much, for he too suffered serious challenging rumors. In 270, one of Sūn Hào’s favorite consorts died, and in his grief he remained in his Palace and rarely held Court or met with the senior ministers. Rumors then spread that Sūn Hào had died, and that Sūn Fèn, the last surviving son of Sūn Quán, would be enthroned next. When Sūn Hào learned of this, he had Sūn Fèn and his five sons condemned to death.47 And so the last surviving son of Sūn Quán died.
Out of Sūn Quán’s seven sons, Dēng, Lǜ, and Xiū died of illness, while Hé, Bà, Fèn, and Liàng died violently.
Formally, the entries are titled zhuàn rather than jì, due to the orthodox Jìn political theory that the dynastic succession line was Hàn → Wèi → Jìn, but the entries nevertheless serve as jì for the Wú section even if they cannot be officially called such due to political requirements.
Ages calculated from their recorded age at death. And of course, the famed battle of Chìbì “Red Cliffs” that marked the formal break between north and south is recorded as occurring near the end of 208.
《三國志·吳書五·吳主權徐夫人傳》權為討虜將軍在吳,聘以為妃,使母養子登。後權遷移,以夫人妬忌,廢處吳。
《三國志·吳書二·吳主傳》曹公表權為討虜將軍,領會稽太守,屯吳,使丞之郡行文書事。
《三國志·吳書二·吳主傳》十六年,權徙治秣陵。
Calculating from his age at death.
《三國志·吳書十四·孫慮傳》年二十,嘉禾元年卒。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫慮傳》孫慮字子智,登弟也。少敏惠有才藝,權器愛之。
《三國志·吳書二·吳主傳》權自公安都鄂,改名武昌,以武昌、下雉、尋陽、陽新、柴桑、沙羨六縣為武昌郡。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫登傳》魏黃初二年,以權為吳王,拜登東中郎將,封萬戶侯,登辭疾不受。
《三國志·吳書二·吳主傳》初權外託事魏,而誠心不款。魏乃遣侍中辛毗、尚書桓階往與盟誓,并徵任子,權辭讓不受。秋九月,魏乃命曹休、張遼、臧霸出洞口,曹仁出濡須,曹真、夏侯尚、張郃、徐晃圍南郡。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫登傳》是歲,立登為太子,選置師傅,銓簡秀士,以為賔友,於是諸葛恪、張休、顧譚、陳表等以選入,侍講詩書,出從騎射。權欲登讀漢書,習知近代之事,以張昭有師法,重煩勞之,乃令休從昭受讀,還以授登。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫慮傳》黃武七年,封建昌侯。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫登傳》黃龍元年,權稱尊號,登為皇太子,以恪為左輔,休右弼,譚為輔正,表為翼正都尉,是為四友,而謝景、范慎、刁玄、羊衜等皆為賔客,於是東宮號為多士。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫登傳》登或射獵,當由徑道,常遠避良田,不踐苗稼,至所頓息,又擇空閑之地,其不欲煩民如此。嘗乘馬出,有彈丸過,左右求之。有一人操彈佩丸,咸以為是,辭對不服,從者欲捶之,登不聽,使求過丸,比之非類,乃見釋。又失盛水金馬盂,覺得其主,左右所為,不忍致罰,呼責數之,長遣歸家,勑親近勿言。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫登傳》初,登所生庶賤,徐夫人少有母養之恩,後徐氏以妬廢處吳,而步夫人最寵。步氏有賜,登不敢辭,拜受而已。徐氏使至,所賜衣服,必沐浴服之。登將拜太子,辭曰:「本立而道生,欲立太子,宜先立后。」權曰:「卿母安在?」對曰:「在吳。」權嘿然。
《三國志·吳書十三·陸遜傳》黃龍元年,拜上大將軍、右都護。是歲,權東巡建業,留太子、皇子及尚書九官,徵遜輔太子,并掌荊州及豫章三郡事,董督軍國。時建昌侯慮於堂前作鬬鴨欄,頗施小巧,遜正色曰:「君侯宜勤覽經典以自新益,用此何為?」慮即時毀徹之。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫慮傳》後二年,丞相雍等奏慮性聦體達,所尚日新,比方近漢,宜進爵稱王,權未許。乆之,尚書僕射存上疏曰:「帝王之興,莫不襃崇至親,以光羣后,故魯衞於周,寵冠諸侯,高帝五王,封列于漢,所以藩屏本朝,為國鎮衞。建昌侯慮稟性聦敏,才兼文武,於古典制,宜正名號。陛下謙光,未肯如舊,羣寮大小,咸用於邑。方今姦寇恣睢,金鼓未弭,腹心爪牙,惟親與賢。輒與丞相雍等議,咸以慮宜為鎮軍大將軍,授任偏方,以光大業。」權乃許之,於是假節開府,治半州。慮以皇子之尊,富於春秋,遠近嫌其不能留意。及至臨事,遵奉法度,敬納師友,過於衆望。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫登傳》後弟慮卒,權為之降損,登晝夜兼行,到賴鄉,自聞,即時召見。見權悲泣,因諫曰:「慮寢疾不起,此乃命也。方今朔土未一,四海喁喁,天戴陛下,而以下流之念,減損大官殽饌,過於禮制,臣竊憂惶。」權納其言,為之加膳。住十餘日,欲遣西還,深自陳乞,以乆離定省,子道有闕,又陳陸遜忠勤,無所顧憂,權遂留焉。嘉禾三年,權征新城,使登居守,總知留事。時年穀不豐,頗有盜賊,乃表定科令,所以防禦,甚得止姦之要。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫登傳》立凡二十一年,年三十三卒。臨終,上疏曰:「臣以無狀,嬰抱篤疾,自省微劣,懼卒隕斃。臣不自惜,念當委離供養,埋胔后土,長不復奉望宮省,朝覲日月,生無益於國,死貽陛下重慼,以此為哽結耳。臣聞死生有命,長短自天,周晉、顏回有上智之才,而尚夭折,況臣愚陋,年過其壽,生為國嗣,沒享榮祚,於臣已多,亦何悲恨哉!方今大事未定,逋寇未討,萬國喁喁,係命陛下,危者望安,亂者仰治。願陛下棄忘臣身,割下流之恩,脩黃老之術,篤養神光,加羞珍膳,廣開神明之慮,以定無窮之業,則率土幸賴,臣死無恨也。皇子和仁孝聦哲,德行清茂,宜早建置,以繫民望。諸葛恪才略博達,器任佐時。張休、顧譚、謝景,皆通敏有識斷,入宜委腹心,出可為爪牙。范慎、華融矯矯壯節,有國士之風。羊衜辯捷,有專對之材。刁玄優弘,志履道真。裴欽博記,翰采足用。蔣脩、虞翻,志節分明。凡此諸臣,或宜廊廟,或任將帥,皆練時事,明習法令,守信固義,有不可奪之志。此皆陛下日月所照,選置臣宮,得與從事,備知情素,敢以陳聞。臣重惟當今方外多虞,師旅未休,當厲六軍,以圖進取。軍以人為衆,衆以財為寶,竊聞郡縣頗有荒殘,民物凋弊,姦亂萌生,是以法令繁滋,刑辟重切。臣聞為政聽民,律令與時推移,誠宜與將相大臣詳擇時宜,博采衆議,寬刑輕賦,均息力役,以順民望。陸遜忠勤於時,出身憂國,謇謇在公,有匪躬之節。諸葛瑾、步隲、朱然、全琮、朱據、呂岱、吾粲、闞澤、嚴畯、張承、孫怡忠於為國,通達治體。可令陳上便宜,蠲除苛煩,愛養士馬,撫循百姓。五年之外,十年之內,遠者歸復,近者盡力,兵不血刃,而大事可定也。臣聞『鳥之將死其鳴也哀,人之將死其言也善』,故子囊臨終,遺言戒時,君子以為忠,豈況臣登,其能已乎?願陛下留意聽采,臣雖死之日,猶生之年也。」旣絕而後書聞,權益以摧感,言則隕涕。是歲,赤烏四年也。謝景時為豫章太守,不勝哀情,棄官奔赴,拜表自劾。權曰:「君與太子從事,異於他吏。」使中使慰勞,聽復本職,發遣還郡。謚登曰宣太子。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫慮傳》無子,國除。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫登傳》子璠、希,皆早卒,次子英,封吳侯。五鳳元年,英以大將軍孫峻擅權,謀誅峻,事覺自殺,國除。
By one account, Sūn Yīng himself had been personally unaware of the plot, but the fact that the plotters had intended to use him as the rallying point for an alternative regime was enough to lead to his execution.
《三國志注·吳書十四·孫登傳》吳歷曰:孫和以無罪見殺,衆庶皆懷憤歎,前司馬桓慮因此招合將吏,欲共殺峻立英,事覺,皆見殺,英實不知。
《三國志·吳書二十·韋曜傳》孫皓即位,封高陵亭侯,遷中書僕射,職省,為侍中,常領左國史。時所在承指數言瑞應。皓以問曜,曜荅曰:「此人家筐篋中物耳。」又皓欲為父和作紀,曜執以和不登帝位,宜名為傳。如是者非一,漸見責怒。
《三國志注·吳書十四·孫登傳》吳書曰:弟和有寵於權,登親敬,待之如兄,常有欲讓之心。
《三國志· 吳書五·吳主權王夫人傳》吳主權王夫人,琅邪人也。夫人以選入宮,黃武中得幸,生孫和,寵次步氏。步氏薨後,和立為太子,權將立夫人為后,而全公主素憎夫人,稍稍譖毀。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫和傳》少以母王有寵見愛,年十四,為置宮衞,使中書令闞澤教以書藝。
《三國志注·吳書十四·孫和傳》吳書曰:和少岐嶷有智意,故權尤愛幸,常在左右,衣服禮秩雕玩珍異之賜,諸子莫得比焉。
《三國志·吳書二·吳主傳》五月,太子登卒。
《三國志·吳書二·吳主傳》五年春正月,立子和為太子,大赦,改禾興為嘉興。
《三國志·吳書二·吳主傳》八月,立子霸為魯王。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫霸傳》和為太子。霸為魯王,寵愛崇特,與和無殊。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫霸傳》頃之,和、霸不穆之聲聞於權耳,權禁斷往來,假以精學。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫霸傳》督軍使者羊衜上疏曰:「臣聞古之有天下者,皆先顯別適庶,封建子弟,所以尊重祖宗,為國藩表也。二宮拜授,海內稱宜,斯乃大吳興隆之基。頃聞二宮並絕賔客,遠近悚然,大小失望。竊從下風,聽採衆論,咸謂二宮智達英茂,自正名建號,於今三年,德行內著,美稱外昭,西北二隅,乆所服聞。謂陛下當副順遐邇所以歸德,勤命二宮賔延四遠,使異國聞聲,思為臣妾。今旣未垂意於此,而發明詔,省奪備衞,抑絕賔客,使四方禮敬,不復得通,雖實陛下敦尚古義,欲令二宮專志於學,不復顧慮觀聽小宜,期於溫故博物而已,然非臣下傾企喁喁之至願也。或謂二宮不遵典式,此臣所以寢息不寧。就如所嫌,猶宜補察,密加斟酌,不使遠近得容異言。臣懼積疑成謗,乆將宣流,而西北二隅,去國不遠,異同之語,易以聞達。聞達之日,聲論當興,將謂二宮有不順之愆,不審陛下何以解之?若無以解異國,則亦無以釋境內。境內守疑,異國興謗,非所以育巍巍,鎮社稷也。願陛下早發優詔,使二宮周旋禮命如初,則天清地晏,萬國幸甚矣。」時全寄、吳安、孫奇、楊笁等陰共附霸,圖危太子。
《三國志注·吳書十四·孫和傳》殷基通語曰:初權旣立和為太子,而封霸為魯王,初拜猶同宮室,禮秩未分。羣公之議,以為太子、國王上下有序,禮秩宜異,於是分宮別僚,而隙端開矣。自侍御賔客造為二端,仇黨疑貳,滋延大臣。丞相陸遜、大將軍諸葛恪、太常顧譚、驃騎將軍朱據、會稽太守滕胤、大都督施績、尚書丁密等奉禮而行,宗事太子,驃騎將軍步隲、鎮南將軍呂岱、大司馬全琮、左將軍呂據、中書令孫弘等附魯王,中外官僚將軍大臣舉國中分。權患之,謂侍中孫峻曰:「子弟不睦,臣下分部,將有袁氏之敗,為天下笑。一人立者,安得不亂?」於是有改嗣之規矣。
《三國志·吳書二·吳主傳》廢太子和,處故鄣。魯王霸賜死。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫和傳》權欲廢和立亮,無難督陳正、五營督陳象上書,稱引晉獻公殺申生,立奚齊,晉國擾亂,又據、晃固諫不止。權大怒,族誅正、象,據、晃牽入殿,杖一百,竟徙和於故鄣,羣司坐諫誅放者十數。衆咸冤之。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫霸傳》譖毀旣行,太子以敗,霸亦賜死。流笁屍于江,兄穆以數諫戒笁,得免大辟,猶徙南州。霸賜死後,又誅寄、安、奇等,咸以黨霸搆和故也。
《三國志·吳書二·吳主傳》十一月,立子亮為太子。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫奮傳》孫奮字子揚,霸弟也,母曰仲姬。
《三國志·吳書三·孫休傳》孫休字子烈,權第六子。
《三國志·吳書三·孫亮傳》孫亮字子明,權少子也。權春秋高,而亮最少,故尤留意。
《三國志·吳書二·吳主傳》十二月,驛徵大將軍恪,拜為太子太傅。詔省徭役,減征賦,除民所患苦。
《三國志注·吳書十九·諸葛恪傳》吳書曰:權寢疾,議所付託。時朝臣咸皆注意於恪,而孫峻表恪器任輔政,可付大事。權嫌恪剛很自用,峻以當今朝臣皆莫及,遂固保之,乃徵恪。後引恪等見卧內,受詔牀下,權詔曰:「吾病困矣,恐不復相見,諸事一以相委。」恪歔欷流涕曰:「臣等皆受厚恩,當以死奉詔,願陛下安精神,損思慮,無以外事為念。」權詔有司諸事一統於恪,惟殺生大事然後以聞。為治第館,設陪衞。羣官百司拜揖之儀,各有品叙。諸法令有不便者,條列以聞,權輒聽之。中外翕然,人懷歡欣。
More properly speaking, to the territories that were temporarily serving as substitutes for their fiefs, because in typical optimistic bravado, all the actual fief territories were controlled by Wèi, though of course they surely would be “recovered” by Wú very soon.
《三國志·吳書二·吳主傳》二年春正月,立故太子和為南陽王,居長沙;子奮為齊王,居武昌;子休為琅邪王,居虎林。
《三國志·吳書二·吳主傳》夏四月,權薨,時年七十一,謚曰大皇帝。
《三國志·吳書三·孫亮傳》又科兵子弟年十八已下十五已上,得三千餘人,選大將子弟年少有勇力者為之將帥。亮曰:「吾立此軍,欲與之俱長。」日於菀中習焉。
《三國志·吳書三·孫亮傳》冬十月,大饗。武衞將軍孫峻伏兵殺恪於殿堂。大赦。以峻為丞相,封富春侯。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫奮傳》太元二年,立為齊王,居武昌。權薨,太傅諸葛恪不欲諸王處江濵兵馬之地,徙奮於豫章。奮怒,不從命,又數越法度。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫奮傳》奮得牋懼,遂移南昌,游獵彌甚,官屬不堪命。及恪誅,奮下住蕪湖,欲至建業觀變。傅相謝慈等諫奮,奮殺之。坐廢為庶人,徙章安縣。太平三年,封為章安侯。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫和傳》四月,權薨,諸葛恪秉政。恪即和妃張之舅也。妃使黃門陳遷之建業上疏中宮,并致問於恪。臨去,恪謂遷曰:「為我達妃,期當使勝他人。」此言頗泄。又恪有徙都意,使治武昌宮,民間或言欲迎和。及恪被誅,孫峻因此奪和璽綬,徙新都,又遣使者賜死。
《三國志·吳書十九·孫峻傳》據御軍齊整,峻惡之,稱心痛去,遂夢為諸葛恪所擊,恐懼發病死,時年三十八,以後事付綝。
《三國志·吳書十九·孫綝傳》孫綝字子通,與峻同祖。
There is a story that when Sūn Liàng saw Sūn Chēn’s troops attacking the palace, he grabbed a bow and mounted a horse, seeking to rally his personal guard to attempt a breakthrough, but his personal attendants pulled him back down and stopped him. In an interesting coincidence, a very similar event would happen in Wèi a few years later, when Wèi regent Sīmǎ Zhāo sent troops to attack the palace, but unlike in the case of Sūn Liàng, the Wèi Emperor Cáo Máo was able to rally his personal guard to actually attempt a breakthrough, though he was killed in the resulting battle.
《三國志注·吳書十九·孫綝傳》江表傳曰:亮召全尚息黃門侍郎紀密謀,曰:「孫綝專勢,輕小於孤。孤見勑之,使速上岸,為唐咨等作援,而留湖中,不上岸一步。又委罪朱異,擅殺功臣,不先表聞。築第橋南,不復朝見。此為自在,無復所畏,不可乆忍。今規取之,卿父作中軍都督,使密嚴整士馬,孤當自出臨橋,帥宿衞虎騎、左右無難一時圍之。作版詔勑綝所領皆解散,不得舉手,正爾自得之。卿去,但當使密耳。卿宣詔語卿父,勿令卿母知之,女人旣不曉大事,且綝同堂姊,邂逅泄漏,誤孤非小也。」紀承詔,以告尚,尚無遠慮,以語紀母。母使人密語綝。綝夜發嚴兵廢亮,比明,兵已圍宮。亮大怒,上馬,帶鞬執弓欲出,曰:「孤大皇帝之適子,在位已五年,誰敢不從者?」侍中近臣及乳母共牽攀止之,乃不得出,歎咤二日不食,罵其妻曰:「爾父憒憒,敗我大事!」又呼紀,紀曰:「臣父奉詔不謹,負上,無面目復見。」因自殺。
《三國志·吳書三·孫亮傳》亮以綝專恣,與太常全尚,將軍劉丞謀誅綝。九月戊午,綝以兵取尚,遣弟恩攻殺丞於蒼龍門外,召大臣會宮門,黜亮為會稽王,時年十六。
《三國志·吳書三·孫休傳》頃之,休聞綝逆謀,陰與張布圖計。十二月戊辰臘,百僚朝賀,公卿升殿,詔武士縛綝,即日伏誅。
《三國志·吳書三·孫休傳》會稽郡謠言王亮當還為天子,而亮宮人告亮使巫禱祠,有惡言。有司以聞,黜為候官侯,遣之國。道自殺,衞送者伏罪。
《三國志注·吳書三·孫休傳》吳錄曰:或云休鴆殺之。
《三國志注·吳書三·孫休傳》江表傳曰:休寢疾,口不能言,乃手書呼丞相濮陽興入,令子𩅦出拜之。休把興臂,而指𩅦以託之。
《三國志·吳書三·孫皓傳》休薨,是時蜀初亡,而交阯攜叛,國內震懼,貪得長君。左典軍萬彧昔為烏程令,與皓相善,稱皓才識明斷,是長沙桓王之疇也,又加之好學,奉遵法度,屢言之於丞相濮陽興、左將軍張布。興、布說休妃太后朱,欲以皓為嗣。朱曰:「我寡婦人,安知社稷之慮,苟吳國無損,宗廟有賴可矣。」於是遂迎立皓,時年二十三。
《三國志·吳書三·孫皓傳》十一月,誅興、布。
《三國志·吳書三·孫皓傳》又送休四子於吳小城,尋復追殺大者二人。
《三國志·吳書十四·孫奮傳》建衡二年,孫皓左夫人王氏卒。皓哀念過甚,朝夕哭臨,數月不出,由是民間或謂皓死,訛言奮與上虞侯奉當有立者。奮母仲姬墓在豫章,豫章太守張俊疑其或然,掃除墳塋。皓聞之,車裂俊,夷三族,誅奮及其五子,國除。
A fine reminder that sheer luck plays a monumental role in the health and stability of a government/regime. We expect sons to resemble their fathers, but look how often in history we see a great man sire a useless buffoon - Shu's misfortune when Liu Bei left behind Liu Shan. It was Wu's misfortune for Zhou Yu to fall ill and die in the prime of his life at only 36; it was Wei's misfortune that Sima Yi was still actively shaping China's destiny at age 70. Fate is a strange and fickle thing.