[234] Qīnglóng 2/Jiànxīng 12/Jiāhé 3, Part 1
234 AD, Zhūgě Liàng's Fifth Northern Expedition, Sūn Quán's Northern Campaign
Spring, Standard Moon in Wú [234 February 16 - March 16], Imperial Order said: “Troops have for a long time not ceased, people suffer from conscription, some years not registering. Thus be lenient with deserters, and do not again supervise investigations.”1
Previously, Liú Yǎn appellation Wēishuò was a Lǔ state man. When Liú Bèi was in Yù province, he recruited Liú Yǎn as an Attending Official, and because he had the same family name, was distinguished, and excelled in conversation and debate, treated him generously and intimately, and therefore Liú Yǎn followed him all around, always as a guest retainer. When Liú Bèi settled Yì Province [in 214], Liú Yǎn was appointed Gùlíng Magistrate. When Liú Shàn was enthroned [in 223], Liú Yǎn was enfeoffed as a capital village Marquess, rank and position always second to Lǐ Yán, becoming Minister of the Guard, Center Army Preceptor, Rear General, later promoted to Chariots and Cavalry General. However, he did not participate in state governance, his command of troops was only over a thousand, accompanying the Assistant Chancellor Zhūgě Liàng in discussion and nothing more. His carriages and clothes and drink and food were extravagant, his attendants and maid servants were several tens, all able to sing. In Jiànxīng Tenth Year [232] he with Front Army Preceptor Wèi Yán was not harmonious, made empty brags, and Zhūgě Liàng reprimanded him. Liú Yǎn sent Zhūgě Liàng an apology letter with humble language, and was therefore only sent back to Chéngdū, his office and rank as before, but Liú Yǎn lost his drive and became apprehensive and confused.2
Standard Moon in Shǔ [234 February 16 - March 17], Liú Yǎn’s wife the lady Hú entered the Palace to give New Year congratulations to the Dowager Empress, the Dowager Empress ordered to specially keep the lady Hú through the moon and then send her out. The lady Hú had beautiful appearance, Liú Yǎn suspected she had a secret affair with the Emperor Liú Shàn, shouted and whipped the lady Hú five hundred times, to the point of with shoe stepping on her face, and afterward sending her away. The lady Hú completely reported on Liú Yǎn, and Liú Yǎn in connection was sent down to prison. The managers commented: “You are not someone to whip a wife, a face is not ground to receive a shoe’s tread.” Liú Yǎn was publicly executed in the market. From then on, the practice of the great minister’s wives and mothers visiting Court celebrations was therefore ended.3
Spring, Second Moon in Wèi [March 18 - April 15], Jǐwèi [March 21], Tàibái crossed Yínghuò.4 Guǐyǒu [April 4], Imperial Order said: '“Flogging as government punishment is to correct laziness and negligence, but often it causes those without crime to die. Thus reduce the system of flogging, made known in this Order.”5
Spring, Second Moon in Shǔ [March 18 - April 15], Zhūgě Liàng through Xiégǔ set out, first using Flowing Horse transports.6
Third Moon in Wèi [April 16 - May 15], Gēngyín [April 21], the former Hàn Emperor and Duke of Shānyáng Liú Xié died. The Wèi Emperor Cáo Ruì in mourning clothes held grieving, sending envoy Wielding Staff to manage the funeral affairs. Jǐyǒu [May 10], Great Amnesty.7 Cáo Ruì changed to mourning clothes and led the various ministers to cry for Liú Xié, sending Envoy Wielding Staff to act as Excellency over the Masses the Minister of Ceremonies Hé Qià to offer sacrifices, and also sent Envoy Wielding Staff to act as Excellency of Works the Minister of Agriculture Cuī Lín to supervise funeral affairs.8
Summer, Fourth Moon in Wèi [May 16 - June 14], great plague. Bǐngyín [May 27], Imperial Order on managers to with Grand Livestock announce and sacrifice at Emperor Wén [Cáo Pī] Temple. Posthumous name on the Duke of Shānyáng as Hàn’s Xiào-Xiàn “Filial and Proffering” Huángdì, buried by Hàn Rituals.9
Compassionate and kind loving parents is called Xiào.10 Intelligent understanding and shrewd wisdom is called Xiàn.11
Yán Shīgǔ states: A filial (Xiào) son excels in continuing his father’s will, and therefore the posthumous names of the Hàn house from Emperor Huì on down all used Xiào.12
Previously, when the Duke of Shānyáng Liú Xié died, Wáng Lǎng’s son Wáng Sù sent up memorial that said: “In the past Táng abdicated to Yú, Yú abdicated to Xià, all completing three years of mourning, and afterward ascending to the honor of Heaven’s Son. Therefore the Emperor (dì) title was without deficiency, the ritual of lords yet was preserved. Now the Duke of Shānyáng complied with Heaven’s Mandate and answered the People’s Expectations, advancing to abdicate to Great Wèi, withdrawing to occupy guest’s seat. The Duke in serving Wèi did not dare to not be exhaustive in integrity. Wèi in treating the Duke exceptionally honored him and did not make him a servant. Now that he has died, the system of the coffins, the ornaments of the carriages and escorts, all are the same as for a ruler, and therefore far and near submit to the benevolence, believing it a flourishing beauty. Moreover Hàn combined the titles of Emperor (dì) and Imperial (huáng), title called Huángdì. There is separate calling as Emperor, no separate calling as Imperial, then Imperial is the lesser one. Therefore in the time of Gāozǔ, the land is without two rulers, his father was alive, and so called as Imperial, to clarify any uncertainty of two rulers. All the more now in bestowing at the end, he can be called as Imperial to match the posthumous name.” Cáo Ruì did not follow the proposal to use Huáng for posthumous title, and instead titled the Duke as Xiào-Xiàn Huángdì.13
Sūn Shèng states: Transformations according with divinity is called Huáng (“Imperial,” “August”), virtues according with heaven is called Dì (“Emperor,” “God”). Therefore the Three Augusts (huáng) inaugurated titles and the Five Emperors were after them. That being the case, being called as Imperial (huáng) is more wonderful than Emperor (dì). [Wáng] Sù in calling it lesser, was it not very mistaken?14
Péi Sōngzhī believes: High antiquity spoke of the August Imperial Lord God (Huáng Huáng Hòu Dì 皇皇后帝), next spoke of the Three and Five, first Imperial (huáng 皇) later Emperor (dì 帝), truly as [Sūn] Shèng says. However, the Hàn dynasty’s various Emperors (dì), though they honored their fathers as Imperials (huáng), it truly was nobility but without a position, high but without subjects. Comparing that to Emperor (dì), can it not be called as lesser? Wèi followed Hàn rituals, the names and titles not changed. For the passing away of Xiào-Xiàn, why would they distantly consider ancient meanings? [Wáng] Sù in his speaking was probably only referring to Hàn systems for his advice. Calling that as mistaken then is to ridicule Hàn, not criticize [Wáng] Sù.15
Wèi Imperial Order said: “Overall in the esteemed affairs of the Five Emperors, Zhòngní enthusiastically praised the towering and shaking achievements of Yáo and Shùn, believing abdication succession then was the exemplary affair of great sages. The Duke of Shānyáng deeply understood the transitions of Heaven’s Blessings forever ending, abdicating throne to Wén Huángdì to follow Heaven’s Mandate. The Former Emperor mandated the Duke to enact Hàn’s Standard New Year, Suburb Sacrifices to Heaven and Ancestors by the Rituals of Heaven’s Son, in speaking of affairs to not call himself servant; these were the meanings of Shùn serving Yáo. In the past Fàngxūn passed, the Four Seas mourned as if for parent, restraining the eight sounds [of music], making clear the rituals of mourning and burial were the same as for a ruler. Now the managers memorialize to have the mourning rituals be comparable for the vassal marquesses and kings; how is this the legacy regulations of the ancients or the intentions of the former Emperor? Now posthumous name on the Duke as Hàn Xiào-Xiàn Huángdì.”16
Sent the Grand Commandant to prepare one Grand Livestock to announce and sacrifice at Emperor Wén’s Temple, the announcement said: “[I, Cáo] Ruì have heard that Ritual is to return to roots and learn from the ancients, to not forget the beginnings, and therefore the lords of former dynasties, honored the honorable and were close with the close, all having esteem. Now the Duke of Shānyáng lying ill left his state, the managers established suggestion that the rituals of mourning observe those for the vassal lords and kings. [I, Cáo] Ruì consider that the Duke of Shānyáng in the past understood Heaven’s Mandate had forever ended for himself, deeplying observed that the Calendar Calculations were on your sagely self, transferred the blessings and abdicated the throne, honoring our ruler of the people; this then was the affair of Táo Táng’s exemplary virtue. Huángchū accepting the end, mandated the Duke have his state enact Hàn’s Standard New Year, Suburb Sacrifices to Heaven and Ancestors Rituals and Music Systems and Regulations by Hàn’s former ways; these also were the righteousness of Shùn’s and Yǔ’s Enlightened Halls. Highest father you therefore began it, the Imperial Standards distantly established, just and splendid, subdued and modest, nothing is as clear as this. A son should continue will and inherit lessons to be filial, a servant match command and respect lessons to be loyal, therefore the Shī says: ‘Note in haste to be so, it was the pursue and come to the filial,’ the Shū states: ‘Predecessor received command, this was to not forget the great achievement.’ Would [I, Cáo] Ruì dare not respectfully serve the standards to manifest my Imperial father’s divine spirit? Now posthumously title the Duke of Shānyáng as Xiào-Xiàn Huángdì, posthumously bequeathed Imperial Seal and Ribbon. Mandate the Excellency over the Masses and the Excellency of Works Wielding Staff offer sacrifices and guard the body, with the Minister of Merits and Minister Herald as assistants, and the Master Craftsmen and Restored Soil General to build and construct the tomb, and that the installed hundred offices and officials, and chariots and banners and clothes and regulations in the mourning and burial etiqutte, are all to follow the former systems of the Hàn dynasty. The expenses of the mourning and burial’s supplies for officials, are all to be managed by the Minister of Agriculture. Enthrone his successor heir as Duke of Shānyáng, to carry on the Three Gatherings, and forever be the Guest of Wèi.”17
Therefore the bestowal tally said in part: “Alas, in the past the August Heavens sent down disaster on Hàn, enable the traitor minister Dǒng Zhuó to spread his vicious oppression, burning and exterminating the capital city, seizing away the Imperial Carriage. At the time the six directions were disturbed, treacherous opportunits rising like flames. The Emperor from the western capital reached out to seek settlement, arriving at Luò city. Consulting with sagely worthies, then changed carriage direction, again moving to Xǔchāng, with Wǔ Huángdì [Cáo Cāo] to depend on. In the year of Xuánxiāo [star], the Imperial Brigades began to campaign, reaching to Chúnwěi [star], ten and eight years, the crowd of bandits exterminated, nine regions all governed. Yet the Emperor in recollection of the achievements, gave the blessings on this Wèi state, greatly opening the land realm. Therefore reaching to Wén Huángdì [Cáo Pī], orderly and sagely, expansive and profound, benevolent reputation flowing out, softening the distant and able to bring near, heterodox customs turned to righteousness, heavenly essence carrying on blessings, earthly spirit producing glory, reaching to Yùhéng [star], embracing the Calendar Calculations, judging the course of rites, succeeding in pleasing the Emperor’s heart. Thus looking up to admire the seven governments, looking down to investigate the five canons, not accepting the plans of Sìyuè, not waiting for the recommendations of Shīxī, distantly supported by the divine intelligence, serving Heaven to abdicate the throne. The blessings passed to Our self, gathering and continuing the Vast Enterprise. All hear in the past of Emperor Yáo, all the worthy were promoted, the vicious sorts could not spread, he raised Shùn above the hundred officials, and afterward the hundred officials were organized sequentially, inside pacified and outside accomplished, conferred with the throne in the Enlightened Hall, ending with Heaven’s blessings, and therefore he was able to have virtue crowing over hundreds of kings, present achievements lofty as mountains. From that past to the present, there have been seven dynasties, years reaching to three thousand, and yet the great transition came again, receiving mandate to achieve merits, inheriting as ruler of our people, creating and establishing the Imperial utmost. Remembering Chóngguāng, continuing Xiánchí, inheriting Sháoxià, surpassing the long-lasting legacy of all rulers, distancing from the shamed virtues of Shāng and Zhōu, you can be called high and clear completion to the end, shining and brilliant and vastly illustrious the exemplary magnificence. If it is not Hàn with Wèi together with Heaven and Earth according in virtue, with the four seasons according in faith, moving and harmonizing people and spirits, aligning the high and low, then how could it have been as this? We, because Xiào-Xiàn enjoyed years that were not forever, venerate and follow the last commands, investigate the canon practices, respectfully narrate my Imperial Father’s former spirit’s legacy intentions, express esteem in great posthumous title, to present your accomplishment and sagely beauty, to manifest the glory of the hoped-for era corresponding with signs, to pass on the honor through a hundred million years without end. Departed but yet with spirit, praises on your vast glory. Oh Alas!”18
From Hàn Xiào-Xiàn Liú Xié’s abdication to his death was ten and four years, his years were fifty-four.19
Fàn Yè’s Eulogy states: Xiàn was born in the wrong time, body shifted and state blocked. Ending our four hundred, forever being Yú’s Guest.20
Liú Bāng becoming King of Hàn [202 BC] to Liú Xié abdicating the throne [220 AD] was four hundred twenty two years. In between was the interruption of Wáng Mǎng.21 Yú was the state name of Shùn. After Yáo abdicated to Shùn, Yáo’s descendants were honored as Guests of Yú, not treated as subjects of Yú.22
Fourth Moon in Wèi, Zhūgě Liàng exited Xiégǔ, garrisoning Wèinán “south of the Wèi river.” Sīmǎ Yì led the various armies to resist him. Imperial Order on Sīmǎ Yì said: “Only strengthen barriers to resist and defend, to damper their advance. They in advancing will not obtain their will, in withdrawing will be unable to battle, halting for a long time then their provisions will be exhausted, in plundering will have nothing to capture, and then will certainly flee. Fleeing and pursuing them, with the rested waiting for the exhausted, is the way to certain victory.”23
Summer, Fifth Moon in Wèi [June 15 - July 13], Tàibái during daytime was seen. Sūn Quán entered to occupy Cháo lake’s mouth, heading toward Héféi Xīnchéng, also sending his officers Lù Yì (Lù Xùn) and Sūn Sháo each command over ten thousand men to enter the Huái and Miǎn rivers.24
Summer, Fifth Moon in Wú [June 14 - July 13], Sūn Quán sent Lù Xùn and Zhūgě Jǐn and others to garrison Jiāngxià and Miǎnkǒu, Sūn Sháo and Zhāng Chéng and others to head toward Guǎnglíng and Huáiyáng. Sūn Quán personally led large multitudes to besiege Héféi Xīnchéng. At the time Shǔ Chancellor Zhūgě Liàng had set out to Wǔgōng, and so Sūn Quán said that Cáo Ruì could not distantly set out.25
While Sūn Quán campaigned against Xīnchéng, he left Heir-Apparent Sūn Dēng to defend the capital Jiànyè, presiding over and understanding remaining affairs. At that time the annual grain was not plentiful, there tended to be banditry, and so he memorialized to settle laws and orders and so prepared defenses, extremely obtaining the important points of stopping treachery.26
Liú Fàng excelled in writing dispatches, of the explanations of the Imperial Orders and commands of the Three Founders [Cāo, Pī, Ruì], many were by Liú Fàng composed. Previously at the beginning of Qīnglóng, Sūn Quán and Zhūgě Liàng joined in alliance, wishing to together set out and invade. A border scout once captured one of Sūn Quán’s letters, Liú Fàng then changed its words, in many places changing out the original words but maintaining cohesion, addressing it to Campaigning East General Mǎn Chǒng, as if wishing to change sides, sealed it and leaked it to Zhūgě Liàng. Zhūgě Liàng passed it on to Wú chief officer Bù Zhì and others, Bù Zhì and others went to meet with Sūn Quán. Sūn Quán feared Zhūgě Liàng would suspect him, and deeply explained himself. That year, Liú Fàng was added Attendant Internal and Radiant Merit Counselor.27
Around that time, Sūn Quán and Zhūgě Liàng were known as powerful rebels, there was no year without military campaign, and the Wèi Emperor Cáo Ruì assembled the various subordinates, inside planning strategies to resist invasion, outside forming plans for victories, Sūn Zī all managed them. However, as Sūn Zī served as belly and heart, he always deferred matters to the Emperor saying: “Mobilizing large multitudes, raising great affairs, should be done together with the various subordinates, both to show enlightenment, and also to widespread in investigation.” When the Court ministers gathered to discuss, Sūn Zī memorialized to determine the right and wrong, selecting out the good to push to completion, to the end not making prominent his own virtues. If in the masses there was talk of censuring mistakes or of loves and hates, then at once Sūn Zī further requested to resolve it, to prevent slander. Both Campaigning East General Mǎn Chǒng and Liáng Province Inspector Xú Miǎo had those slandering them, Sūn Zī thoroughly explained their previous conduct, so that in the end there was no estrangement. Mǎn Chǒng and Xú Miǎo obtaining protection of their achievements and reputation was by Sūn Zī’s strength.28
Sixth Moon in Wèi [July 14 - August 12], Wèi’s Campaigning East General Mǎn Chǒng advanced the army to resist Wú Emperor Sūn Quán. Mǎn Chǒng wished to evacuate Xīnchéng’s defenders to draw the Wú army to Shòuchūn. The Wèi Emperor Cáo Ruì did not listen, saying: “In the past Hàn [Emperor] Guāng-Wǔ sent troops to occupy Lüèyáng, in the end thus defeating Wěi Áo, the Former Emperor in the east installed Héféi, in the south defended Xiāngyáng, in the west hardened Qíshān. That the rebels in coming then at once were defeated below these three cities, is that the ground is certain to be contested. Even if [Sūn] Quán attacks Xīnchéng, he certainly will not be able to overcome it. Order the various officers to firmly defend. I will personally go to campaign against him. By the time I arrive, I fear [Sūn] Quán will have fled.”29
Previously, when Zhūgě Liàng exited Xiégǔ, Wèi’s Campaigning South General also sent up report: “Zhū Rán and others have already passed Jīngchéng.” Wèi Zhēn said: “[Zhū] Rán is Wú’s valiant officer and certainly will go downstream to follow [Sūn] Quán, and for the time being is only confining the Campaigning South [army].” Sūn Quán indeed summoned Zhū Rán to enter Jūcháo, advancing to attack Héféi. Cáo Ruì wished to personally campaign east. Wèi Zhēn said: “Sūn Quán outside is showing an answer to Zhūgě Liàng, inside is in fact watching and seeing. Moreover Héféi city is firm, not worth worrying about. The Imperial Carriage can avoid personally campaigning, to decrease the expenses of the Six Armies.” Cáo Ruì did not listen.30
Autumn, Seventh Moon in Wèi [August 13 - September 10], Rényín [August 31], the Wèi Emperor Cáo Ruì personally road Dragon Boat on eastern campaign. The Wú Emperor Sūn Quán was attacking Xīnchéng, Wèi General Zhāng Yǐng and others resisted and defended, fiercely battling.31
Sūn Quán had claimed to personally command a hundred thousand to reach Héféi Xīnchéng. Mǎn Chǒng had hurried to go, recruiting strong soldiers of several tens of men, to cut down pine trees into torches, irrigated with sesame oil, and following upstream winds set a fire, burning the enemy siege attacking equipment, shooting and killing Sūn Quán’s younger brother’s son Sūn Tài.32
Cáo Ruì’s army had not yet reached by several hundred lǐ, not yet reached Shòuchūn,33 when Sūn Quán escaped and fled. Lù Yì and Sūn Sháo and the rest also retreated.
The various Wèi ministers believed that as General-in-Chief Sīmǎ Yì was still with Zhūgě Liàng locked together and not yet resolved, the Imperial Carriage could go west to visit Cháng’ān. Cáo Ruì said: “As [Sūn] Quán has fled, Zhūgě Liàng’s confidence will be broken, so the General-in-Chief can restrain him. I have no worries.” Therefore he advanced the army to visit Shòuchūn, recognizing the achievements of the various officers, enfeoffing and rewarding each on individual basis.34
Eighth Moon in Wèi [September 11 - October 10], Jǐwèi [September 17], Cáo Ruì greatly entertained the troops and feasted the Six Armies, sending envoys Wielding Staff to feast and reward the labors of the various armies of Héféi and Shòuchūn.35
Rénshēn [September 30], buried Hàn Xiào-Xiàn Huángdì Liú Xié at Shānyáng state using Hàn ritual ceremonies, tomb called Shànlíng “Abdication Tomb,” installed with park and village magistrates and assistants.36 On the day of the burial, the Wèi Emperor Cáo Ruì bestowed mourning robes and sashes, weeping in grief.37 The successor grandson Guìshì village Marquess Liú Kāng succeeded and was enthroned as Duke of Shānyáng.38
Xīnsì [October 9], went to return to Xǔchāng Palace.39
Previously in the Spring, Zhūgě Liàng greatly mobilized all his multitudes to set out through Xiégǔ valley, used Flowing Horse transports, occupied Wǔgōng’s Wǔzhàngyuán, facing Sīmǎ Yì from Wèinán. Zhūgě Liàng every time had suffered from provisions not connecting, causing his ambitions to not be reached, and therefore he divided troops into Garrison Farms, to be the foundation for stationing for a long time. The plowing soldiers were mixed among the residents of Wèibīn “shore of the Wèi river,” but the Hundred Surnames were calm and still, the army was without selfishness.40
When Zhūgě Liàng exited Xiégǔ and farmed at Lánkēng, at that time Sīmǎ Yì garrisoned south of the Wèi river. Guō Huái judged that Zhūgě Liàng certainly would contest the north plain, and it was appropriate to first occupy it. Of the commentators many said it was not correct. Guō Huái said: “If [Zhūgě] Liàng crosses the Wèi [river] and climbs up the plains, linking troops with the northern mountains, it will cut off Lǒng’s roads, sweeping away the civilians and Yí. This is not a benefit for the state.” Sīmǎ Yì approved this, and Guō Huái therefore garrisoned the north plain. The moats and ramparts were not yet finished when Shǔ troops greatly arrived, Guō Huái opposed and struck them. After several days, Zhūgě Liàng led troops going west, the various officers all said he wished to attack the western barricades, Guō Huái alone believed this was making a show in the west, wishing to cause the government troops to move attention to answer it, and they would certainly attack Yángsuì. That night the Shǔ troops indeed attacked Yángsuì, there were preparations and they could not ascend.41
Sīmǎ Yì and Zhūgě Liàng were locked together, linking barricades for accumulated days. Zhūgě Liàng repeatedly challenged battle.42
Before this, General-in-Chief Sīmǎ Yì had repeatedly requested to with Zhūgě Liàng battle, the Wèi Emperor Cáo Ruì to the end would not listen. That year, fearing Sīmǎ Yì could not be restrained, Cáo Ruì appointed Xīn Pí as General-in-Chief’s Army Preceptor, Wielding Staff. The Six Armies were all respectful, adhered to Xīn Pí’s directives, none daring to violate or oppose.43
Minister of the Guard Xīn Pí Wielding Staff had been sent to restrain Sīmǎ Yì. Jiāng Wéi said to Zhūgě Liàng: “Xīn Zuǒzhì holding a Staff arrived, the rebels will no longer go out.” Zhūgě Liàng said: “He [Sīmǎ Yì] originally was without sentiment to battle. That he firmly requested was only to show martial authority to his multitudes. For a commander in the army, of the lord’s commands there are those that are not accepted. If he were able to overpower me, why would he go a thousand lǐ to request permission to battle?”44
Zhūgě Liàng had repeatedly sent envoy to exchange letters, and also delivered women’s headdress ornaments, to anger Sīmǎ Yì. Sīmǎ Yì was about to go out to battle, Xīn Pí Wielding Staff presented Imperial Order to restrain Sīmǎ Yì and the army officials on down, and so they stopped.45 Sīmǎ Yì repeatedly wished to advance to attack, Xīn Pí restrained him and would not listen. Though Sīmǎ Yì was willful, yet he always deferred to Xīn Pí.46 Later, when Zhūgě Liàng again came to challenge battle, Sīmǎ Yì was about to send out troops to answer it. Xīn Pí holding Staff stood at the army gates, Sīmǎ Yì thus stopped.47
Sīmǎ Yì’s younger brother Sīmǎ Fú sent a letter asking about military affairs, Sīmǎ Yì’s reply letter said: “[Zhūgě] Liàng’s ambitions are large but have not met with the opportunity, he has many plans but few decisions, is good with troops but without expedience, even if he wielded troops of a hundred thousand, it would only fall into my plans. Defeating him is certain.”48
Once, Sīmǎ Yì met with Zhūgě Liàng’s envoy, only asking after his resting and eating and about the complexity or simplicity of affairs, not asking about military affairs. The envoy replied saying: “His Excellency Zhūgě rises early and sleeps late, punishments of twenty and above he all personally oversees, what he eats is not more than a few shēng.” Sīmǎ Yì said: “Zhūgě Liàng’s body is already dead, how is he able to last long?”49
They were locked together for over a hundred days.50
Previously, Zhūgě Liàng once had a Registrar, Yáng Yóng appellation Zǐzhāo, Yáng Yí’s clansman. Zhūgě Liàng once was personally examining the register books, Yáng Yóng directly entered to remonstrate saying: “Enacting governance has its form, above and below cannot infringe on one another, I request to for Your Enlightened Excellency use a household as an example. Now, there was someone who employed a slave to handle the plowing and sowing, a maid to manage the fire and cooking, a rooster to govern the announcing of dawn, a dog to govern barking at robbers, an ox to carry heavy transports, a horse to walk long roads, the private enterprises were without neglect, requests all fulfilled, he had harmonious expression in resting high, eating and drinking and nothing more. Suddenly one morning he completely wished to personally do the labors, no longer entrusting appointments, laboring his bodily strength, by this he fragmented affairs, his appearance wearied and spirit destitute, and in the end there was not a single success. How was it that his intelligence was not as good as a slave or maid or rooster or dog? It was in failing the methods of governing a household. Therefore the ancients said, ‘sitting and discussing the way, call them the Three Excellencies; composing and enacting it, call them the Servicemen and Grandees.’ Therefore Bǐng Jí would not ask about the dead men on the road but worried about an ox’s panting, Chén Píng would not agree to know the numbers of coins and grain, saying it already had its manager. They truly understood the form of the division of positions. Now Your Enlightened Excellency enacts government, but personally examines the register books, sweat flowing all day, is it not also laboring?” Zhūgě Liàng apologized to him. Later Yáng Yóng became an East Department Associate managing selections and promotions. When Yáng Yóng died, Zhūgě Liàng shed tears for three days. 51
When Zhūgě Liàng in Wǔgōng was critically ill, Liú Shàn sent Lǐ Fù to check on and attend to the illness, and then take advantage to consult him on the country’s grand strategy. Lǐ Fù went, provided and announced the sagely intentions, listened to what Zhūgě Liàng had to say, had already departed and left for several days, but very suddenly thought it was not completely thorough in the information, and therefore turned horse to gallop back to meet Zhūgě Liàng.
Zhūgě Liàng said to Lǐ Fú: “I know the meaning of your return. In the recent day’s conversation, though it was all day, there was something not completely thorough, and you have only come again for one decision. For what you will ask, [Jiǎng Wǎn] Gōngyǎn is the appropriate answer.”
Lǐ Fù apologized: “Formerly I truly failed in not consulting and asking your Excellency, that after Your Excellency’s Hundred Years, who could be appointed with great affairs, and therefore at once returned. I beg to again ask, after Jiǎng Wǎn, who could be appointed?”
Zhūgě Liàng said: “[Fèi Yī] Wénwěi can succeed him.”
Lǐ Fù again asked for the next, Zhūgě Liàng did not answer.52
《陳壽·吳志二·吳主傳》三年春正月，詔曰：「兵久不輟，民困於役，歲或不登。其寬諸逋，勿復督課。」
《陳壽·蜀志十·劉琰傳》劉琰字威碩，魯國人也。先主在豫州，辟為從事，以其宗姓，有風流，善談論，厚親待之，遂隨從周旋，常為賓客。先主定益州，以琰為固陵太守。後主立，封都鄉侯，班位每亞李嚴，為衛尉中軍師後將軍，遷車騎將軍。然不豫國政，但領兵千餘，隨丞相亮諷議而已。車服飲食，號為侈靡，侍婢數十，皆能為聲樂，又悉教誦讀魯靈光殿賦。建興十年，與前軍師魏延不和，言語虛誕，亮責讓之。琰與亮牋謝曰：「琰稟性空虛，本薄操行，加有酒荒之病，自先帝以來，紛紜之論，殆將傾覆。頗蒙明公本其一心在國，原其身中穢垢，扶持全濟，致其祿位，以至今日。閒者迷醉，言有違錯，慈恩含忍，不致之于理，使得全完，保育性命。雖必克己責躬，改過投死，以誓神靈；無所用命，則靡寄顏。」於是亮遣琰還成都，官位如故。琰失志慌惚。
《陳壽·蜀志十·劉琰傳》十二年正月，琰妻胡氏入賀太后，太后令特留胡氏，經月乃出。胡氏有美色，琰疑其與後主有私，呼（卒）五百撾胡，至於以履搏面，而後棄遣。胡具以告言琰，琰坐下獄。有司議曰：「卒非撾妻之人，面非受履之地。」琰竟棄市。自是大臣妻母朝慶遂絕。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》二年春二月乙未，太白犯熒惑。
《房玄龄·晉書十二·天文中》青龍二年二月己未，太白犯熒惑。占曰：「大兵起，有大戰。」是年四月，諸葛亮據渭南，吳亦起兵應之，魏東西奔命。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》癸酉，詔曰：「鞭作官刑，所以糾慢怠也，而頃多以無辜死。其減鞭杖之制，著于令。」
《陳壽·蜀志三·後主傳》十二年春二月，亮由斜谷出，始以流馬運。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》三月庚寅，山陽公薨，帝素服發哀，遣使持節典護喪事。己酉，大赦。
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》獻帝傳曰：帝變服，率群臣哭之，使使持節行司徒太常和洽弔祭，又使持節行大司空大司農崔林監護喪事。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》夏四月，大疫。崇華殿災。丙寅，詔有司以太牢告祠文帝廟。追諡山陽公為漢孝獻皇帝，葬以漢禮。
《逸周書·謚法》慈惠愛親曰孝。
李賢注《范曄·後漢書九·孝獻帝紀》謚法曰：「聰明睿智曰獻。」
《逸周書·謚法》聰明叡哲曰獻。
顏師古注《班固·漢書二·惠帝紀》師古曰：「孝子善述父之志，故漢家之諡，自惠帝巳下皆稱孝也。臣下以滿字代盈者，則知帝諱盈也。他皆類此。」
《陳壽·魏志十三·王郎傳》青龍中，山陽公薨，漢主也。肅上疏曰：「昔唐禪虞，虞禪夏，皆終三年之喪，然後踐天子之尊。是以帝號無虧，君禮猶存。今山陽公承順天命，允答民望，進禪大魏，退處賓位。公之奉魏，不敢不盡節。魏之待公，優崇而不臣。既至其薨，櫬斂之制，輿徒之飾，皆同之於王者，是故遠近歸仁，以為盛美。且漢總帝皇之號，號曰皇帝。有別稱帝，無別稱皇，則皇是其差輕者也。故當高祖之時，土無二王，其父見在而使稱皇，明非二王之嫌也。況今以贈終，可使稱皇以配其諡。」明帝不從使稱皇，乃追諡曰漢孝獻皇帝。
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志十三·王郎傳》孫盛曰：化合神者曰皇，德合天者曰帝。是故三皇創號，五帝次之。然則皇之為稱，妙於帝矣。肅謂為輕，不亦謬乎！
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志十三·王郎傳》臣松之以為上古謂皇皇后帝，次言三、五，先皇後帝，誠如盛言。然漢氏諸帝，雖尊父為皇，其實則貴而無位，高而無民，比之於帝，得不謂之輕乎！魏因漢禮，名號無改。孝獻之崩，豈得遠考古義？肅之所云，蓋就漢制而為言耳。謂之為謬，乃是譏漢，非難肅也。
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》獻帝傳曰：帝變服，率群臣哭之，使使持節行司徒太常和洽弔祭，又使持節行大司空大司農崔林監護喪事。詔曰：「蓋五帝之事尚矣，仲尼盛稱堯、舜巍巍蕩蕩之功者，以為禪代乃大聖之懿事也。山陽公深識天祿永終之運，禪位文皇帝以順天命。先帝命公行漢正朔，郊天祀祖以天子之禮，言事不稱臣，此舜事堯之義也。昔放勛殂落，四海如喪考妣，遏密八音，明喪葬之禮同於王者也。今有司奏喪禮比諸侯王，此豈古之遺制而先帝之至意哉？今諡公漢孝獻皇帝。」
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》引《獻帝傳》使太尉具以一太牢告祠文帝廟，曰：「叡聞夫禮也者，反本脩古，不忘厥初，是以先代之君，尊尊親親，咸有尚焉。今山陽公寢疾棄國，有司建言喪紀之禮視諸侯王。叡惟山陽公昔知天命永終於己，深觀曆數允在聖躬，傳祚禪位，尊我民主，斯乃陶唐懿德之事也。黃初受終，命公于國行漢正朔，郊天祀祖禮樂制度率乃漢舊，斯亦舜、禹明堂之義也。上考遂初，皇極攸建，允熙克讓，莫朗于茲。蓋子以繼志嗣訓為孝，臣以配命欽述為忠，故詩稱『匪棘其猶，聿追來孝』，書曰『前人受命，茲不忘大功』。叡敢不奉承徽典，以昭皇考之神靈。今追諡山陽公曰孝獻皇帝，冊贈璽紱。命司徒、司空持節弔祭護喪，光祿、大鴻臚為副，將作大匠、復土將軍營成陵墓，及置百官群吏，車旗服章喪葬禮儀，一如漢氏故事；喪葬所供群官之費，皆仰大司農。立其後嗣為山陽公，以通三統，永為魏賓。」
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》引《獻帝傳》於是贈冊曰：「嗚呼，昔皇天降戾于漢，俾逆臣董卓，播厥凶虐，焚滅京都，劫遷大駕。于時六合雲擾，姦雄熛起。帝自西京，徂唯求定，臻茲洛邑。疇咨聖賢，聿改乘轅，又遷許昌，武皇帝是依。歲在玄枵，皇師肇征，迄于鶉尾，十有八載，群寇殲殄，九域咸乂。惟帝念功，祚茲魏國，大啟土宇。爰及文皇帝，齊聖廣淵，仁聲旁流，柔遠能邇，殊俗向義，乾精承祚，坤靈吐曜，稽極玉衡，允膺曆數，度于軌儀，克厭帝心。乃仰欽七政，俯察五典，弗采四嶽之謀，不俟師錫之舉，幽贊神明，承天禪位。祚（建）〔逮〕朕躬，統承洪業。蓋聞昔帝堯，元愷既舉，凶族未流，登舜百揆，然後百揆時序，內平外成，授位明堂，退終天祿，故能冠德百王，表功嵩嶽。自往迄今，彌歷七代，歲暨三千，而大運來復，庸命厎績，纂我民主，作建皇極。念重光，紹咸池，繼韶夏，超群后之遐蹤，邈商、周之慚德，可謂高朗令終，昭明洪烈之懿盛者矣。非夫漢、魏與天地合德，與四時合信，動和民神，格于上下，其孰能至於此乎？朕惟孝獻享年不永，欽若顧命，考之典謨，恭述皇考先靈遺意，闡崇弘諡，奉成聖美，以章希世同符之隆，以傳億載不朽之榮。魂而有靈，嘉茲弘休。嗚呼哀哉！」
《范曄·後漢書九·孝獻帝紀》自遜位至薨，十有四年，年五十四，謚孝獻皇帝。
《范曄·後漢書九·孝獻帝紀》贊曰：獻生不辰，身播國屯。終我四百，永作虞賓。
Own calculation
李賢等注《范曄·後漢書九·孝獻帝紀》春秋演孔圖曰：「劉四百歲之際，褒漢王輔，皇王以期，有名不就。」宋均注曰：「雖褒族人為漢王以自輔，以當有應期，名見攝錄者，故名不就也。」虞賓謂舜以堯子丹朱為賓，（商）〔虞〕書曰「虞賓在位」是也。以喻山陽公為魏之賓也。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》是月，諸葛亮出斜谷，屯渭南，司馬宣王率諸軍拒之。詔宣王：「但堅壁拒守以挫其鋒，彼進不得志，退無與戰，久停則糧盡，虜略無所獲，則必走矣。走而追之，以逸待勞，全勝之道也。」
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》五月，太白晝見。孫權入居巢湖口，向合肥新城，又遣將陸議、孫韶各將萬餘人入淮、沔。
《陳壽·吳志二·吳主傳》夏五月，權遣陸遜、諸葛瑾等屯江夏、沔口，孫韶、張承等向廣陵、淮陽，權率大眾圍合肥新城。是時蜀相諸葛亮出武功，權謂魏明帝不能遠出，而帝遣兵助司馬宣王拒亮，自率水軍東征。未至壽春，權退還，孫韶亦罷。
《陳壽·吳志十四·孫登傳》嘉禾三年，權征新城，使登居守，總知留事。時年穀不豐，頗有盜賊，乃表定科令，所以防禦，甚得止姦之要。
《陳壽·魏志十四·劉放傳》放善為書檄，三祖詔命有所招喻，多放所為。青龍初，孫權與諸葛亮連和，欲俱出為寇。邊候得權書，放乃改易其辭，往往換其本文而傅合之，與征東將軍滿寵，若欲歸化，封以示亮。亮騰與吳大將步騭等，騭等以見權。權懼亮自疑，深自解說。是歲，俱加侍中、光祿大夫。
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志十四·劉放傳》資別傳曰：是時，孫權、諸葛亮號稱劇賊，無歲不有軍征。而帝總攝群下，內圖禦寇之計，外規廟勝之畫，資皆管之。然自以受腹心，常讓事於帝曰：「動大眾，舉大事，宜與群下共之；既以示明，且於探求為廣。」既朝臣會議，資奏當其是非，擇其善者推成之，終不顯己之德也。若眾人有譴過及愛憎之說，輒復為請解，以塞譖潤之端。如征東將軍滿寵、涼州刺史徐邈，並有譖毀之者，資皆盛陳其素行，使卒無纖介。寵、邈得保其功名者，資之力也。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》六月，征東將軍滿寵進軍拒之。寵欲拔新城守，致賊壽春，帝不聽，曰：「昔漢光武遣兵縣據略陽，終以破隗囂，先帝東置合肥，南守襄陽，西固祁山，賊來輒破於三城之下者，地有所必爭也。縱權攻新城，必不能拔。敕諸將堅守，吾將自往征之，比至，恐權走也。」
《陳壽·魏志二十二·衛臻傳》亮又出斜谷；征南上：「朱然等軍已過荊城。」臻曰：「然，吳之驍將，必下從權，且為勢以綴征南耳。」權果召然入居巢，進攻合肥。帝欲自東征，臻曰：「權外示應亮，內實觀望。且合肥城固，不足為慮。車駕可無親征，以省六軍之費。」帝到尋陽而權竟退。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》秋七月壬寅，帝親御龍舟東征，權攻新城，將軍張穎等拒守力戰，帝軍未至數百里，權遁走，議、韶等亦退。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·滿寵傳》明年，權自將號十萬，至合肥新城。寵馳往赴，募壯士數十人，折松為炬，灌以麻油，從上風放火，燒賊攻具，射殺權弟子孫泰。賊於是引退。
《陳壽·吳志二·吳主傳》未至壽春，權退還，孫韶亦罷。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》群臣以為大將軍方與諸葛亮相持未解，車駕可西幸長安。帝曰：「權走，亮膽破，大將軍以制之，吾無憂矣。」遂進軍幸壽春，錄諸將功，封賞各有差。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》八月己未，大曜兵，饗六軍，遣使者持節犒勞合肥、壽春諸軍。
《范曄·後漢書九·孝獻帝紀》八月壬申，以漢天子禮儀葬于禪陵，置園邑令丞。
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》獻帝傳曰：八月壬申，葬于山陽國，陵曰禪陵，置園邑。葬之日，帝制錫衰弁絰，哭之慟。適孫桂氏鄉侯康，嗣立為山陽公。
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》獻帝傳曰：八月壬申，葬于山陽國，陵曰禪陵，置園邑。葬之日，帝制錫衰弁絰，哭之慟。適孫桂氏鄉侯康，嗣立為山陽公。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》辛巳，行還許昌宮。
《陳壽·蜀志五·諸葛亮傳》十二年春，亮悉大眾由斜谷出，以流馬運，據武功五丈原，與司馬宣王對於渭南。亮每患糧不繼，使己志不申，是以分兵屯田，為久駐之基。耕者雜於渭濱居民之間，而百姓安堵，軍無私焉。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·郭淮傳》青龍二年，諸葛亮出斜谷，並田于蘭坑。是時司馬宣王屯渭南；淮策亮必爭北原，宜先據之，議者多謂不然。淮曰：「若亮跨渭登原，連兵北山，隔絕隴道，搖蕩民、夷，此非國之利也。」宣王善之，淮遂屯北原。塹壘未成，蜀兵大至，淮逆擊之。後數日，亮盛兵西行，諸將皆謂欲攻西圍，淮獨以為此見形於西，欲使官兵重應之，必攻陽遂耳。其夜果攻陽遂，有備不得上。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》司馬宣王與亮相持，連圍積日，亮數挑戰，宣王堅壘不應。會亮卒，其軍退還。
《陳壽·魏志二十五·辛毗傳》青龍二年，諸葛亮率眾出渭南。先是，大將軍司馬宣王數請與亮戰，明帝終不聽。是歲恐不能禁，乃以毗為大將軍軍師，使持節；六軍皆肅，準毗節度，莫敢犯違。
裴松之注《陳壽·蜀志五·諸葛亮傳》漢晉春秋曰：亮自至，數挑戰。宣王亦表固請戰。使衛尉辛毗持節以制之。姜維謂亮曰：「辛佐治仗節而到，賊不復出矣。」亮曰：「彼本無戰情，所以固請戰者，以示武於其眾耳。將在軍，君命有所不受，苟能制吾，豈千里而請戰邪！」
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》魏氏春秋曰：亮既屢遣使交書，又致巾幗婦人之飾，以怒宣王。宣王將出戰，辛毗杖節奉詔，勒宣王及軍吏已下，乃止。宣王見亮使，唯問其寢食及其事之煩簡，不問戎事。使對曰：「諸葛公夙興夜寐，罰二十已上，皆親覽焉；所啖食不過數升。」宣王曰：「亮體斃矣，其能久乎？」
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志二十五·辛毗傳》魏略曰：宣王數數欲進攻，毗禁不聽。宣王雖能行意，而每屈於毗。
《房玄龄·晉書一·宣帝紀》後亮復來挑戰，帝將出兵以應之，毗杖節立軍門，帝乃止。
《房玄龄·晉書一·宣帝紀》帝弟孚書問軍事，帝復書曰：「亮志大而不見機，多謀而少決，好兵而無權，雖提卒十萬，巳墮吾畫中，破之必矣。」
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》魏氏春秋曰：亮既屢遣使交書，又致巾幗婦人之飾，以怒宣王。宣王將出戰，辛毗杖節奉詔，勒宣王及軍吏已下，乃止。宣王見亮使，唯問其寢食及其事之煩簡，不問戎事。使對曰：「諸葛公夙興夜寐，罰二十已上，皆親覽焉；所啖食不過數升。」宣王曰：「亮體斃矣，其能久乎？」
《陳壽·蜀志五·諸葛亮傳》相持百餘日。
裴松之注《陳壽·蜀志十五·楊戲傳》襄陽記曰：楊顒字子昭，楊儀宗人也。入蜀，為巴郡太守，丞相諸葛亮主簿。亮嘗自校簿書，顒直入諫曰：「為治有體，上下不可相侵，請為明公以作家譬之。今有人使奴執耕稼，婢典炊爨，雞主司晨，犬主吠盜，牛負重載，馬涉遠路，私業無曠，所求皆足，雍容高枕，飲食而已，忽一旦盡欲以身親其役，不復付任，勞其體力，為此碎務，形疲神困，終無一成。豈其智之不如奴婢雞狗哉？失為家主之法也。是故古人稱坐而論道謂之三公，作而行之謂之士大夫。故邴吉不問橫道死人而憂牛喘，陳平不肯知錢穀之數，云自有主者，彼誠達於位分之體也。今明公為治，乃躬自校簿書，流汗竟日，不亦勞乎！」亮謝之。後為東曹屬典選舉。顒死，亮垂泣三日。
《陳壽·蜀志十五·楊戲傳》國山休風，永南耽思；盛衡、承伯，言藏言時；孫德果銳，偉南篤常；德緒、義彊，志壯氣剛。濟濟脩志，蜀之芬香。 贊王國山、李永南、馬盛衡、馬承伯、李孫德、李偉南，龔德緒、王義彊
《陳壽·蜀志十五·楊戲傳》孫德名福，梓潼涪人也。先主定益州後，為書佐、西充國長、成都令。建興元年，徙巴西太守，為江州督、楊威將軍，入為尚書僕射，封平陽亭侯。延熙初，大將軍蔣琬出征漢中，福以前監軍領司馬，卒。
裴松之注《陳壽·蜀志十五·楊戲傳》益部耆舊雜記曰：諸葛亮於武功病篤，後主遣福省侍，遂因諮以國家大計。福往具宣聖旨，聽亮所言，至別去數日，忽馳思未盡其意，遂卻騎馳還見亮。亮語福曰：「孤知君還意。近日言語，雖彌日有所不盡，更來一決耳。君所問者，公琰其宜也。」福謝：「前實失不諮請公，如公百年後，誰可任大事者？故輒還耳。乞復請，蔣琬之後，誰可任者？」亮曰：「文偉可以繼之。」又復問其次，亮不答。福還，奉使稱旨。福為人精識果銳，敏於從政。子驤，字叔龍，亦有名，官至尚書郎、廣漢太守。