[232] Tàihé 6/Jiànxīng 10/Jiāhé 1
232 AD, Rebuilding and Raiding
Spring, Standard Moon in Wú [232 February 9 - March 8], Sūn Quán’s second son the Marquess of Jiànchāng Sūn Lǜ died.1
Previously, Sūn Lǜ from youth was quick-witted and kind and had talent and skill, Sūn Quán was impressed with and loved him. In Huángwǔ Seventh Year [228] he was enfeoffed as Marquess of Jiànchāng, and two years later in Huánglóng Second Year [230], Assistant Chancellor Gù Yōng and others memorialized that Sūn Lǜ by nature was intelligent and comprehensive, his esteem daily progressing, and in analogy to recent Hàn, it was appropriate to advance his fief to a vassal King, but Sūn Quán did not permit it. Later the Secretariat Writers Deputy Director sent up memorial that said in part: “In the rising of Emperors and Kings, none did not honor their closest kin, to shine the various marquesses, and therefore that Lǔ and Wèi during Zhōu had favor above the various marquesses, and Emperor Gāo’s Five Kings were enfeoffed in Hàn, was to have vassal screens for the base court, to be for the state a defending guard. The Marquess of Jiànchāng [Sūn] Lǜ by nature is intelligent and quick, talented in both the civil and martial, and by the ancient canon systems, should be corrected in title. Your Majesty is modesty and does not yet agree to follow the old ways until the various officials large and small are all employed with fief. Right now the treacherous bandits are unrestrained, metal drums are not yet stopped, belly and heart and claws and teeth are only close with the worthy. Then with the Assistant Chancellor [Gù] Yōng and others discussing, all believe [Sūn] Lǜ should be Defending Army General-in-Chief to receive a regional appointment, to glorify the great enterprise.” Sūn Quán then permitted this.2 In Huánglóng Third Year [231], Sūn Lǜ became Defending Army General-in-Chief, garrisoning Bànzhōu. Xuē Zōng was his Chief Clerk, outside handling multitude affairs, inside managing documents and registers.3 Sūn Lǜ as an Imperial son was honored and still rich in springs and autumns, so far and near doubted he would be able to remain focused, but when he oversaw affairs, he complied with law, respected and accepted teachers and friends, surpassing the expectations of the masses. His years were twenty when he died.4
Previously, Sūn Quán had returned his capital to Jiànyè, leaving his sons and Lù Xùn to defend Wǔchāng.5 When Sūn Lǜ died, Sūn Quán because of this reduced his meals. Sūn Quán’s eldest son and Heir-Apparent Sūn Dēng traveled day and night, arrived at Làixiāng, was heard and at once summoned to meet. Seeing Sūn Quán weeping in grief, Sūn Dēng therefore remonstrated saying: “[Sūn] Lǜ lay ill and did not rise, this then was fate. Right now the northern lands are not yet unified, the Four Seas wait restlessly, Heaven supports Your Majesty, but to for the remembrance of your lower flow [posterity] reduce the Grand Office’s prepared meals is in excess of ritual standards. Your Servant humbly worries and fears.” Sūn Quán accepted his words, and increased his meals. After Sūn Dēng had stayed for over ten days, Sūn Quán wished to send him back west. Sūn Dēng personally explained and begged that he had for a long time been away from his filial duties to his father, and also explained Lù Xùn was loyal and diligent and there were no worries to look back toward, and Sūn Quán therefore kept him.6
Spring, Standard Moon in Wèi [February 9 - March 9], Jiǎxū [February 15], the Imperial daughter Cáo Shū suddenly died.7 She was not even a month old and had died, Cáo Ruì’s pain and sorrow were extreme, and he posthumously enfeoffed her as Píngyuán princess Yì “Virtuous,”8 establishing a temple in Luòyáng, burying at Nánlíng.9
Warm gentle sagely goodness is called Yì.10
Cáo Ruì was about to personally escort the procession to the burial. Yáng Fù sent up memorial that said: “When Wén Huángdì [your father Cáo Pī] and Wǔ-Xuān Huánghòu [your grandmother lady Biàn] passed away, Your Majesty did not escort the burial, in order to value the State Altars and prepare against the unexpected. How can you escort the burial for an infant that was still being held?” Cáo Ruì did not listen.11
Chén Qún sent up memorial that said in part: “For early death of eight years and below, the Rites do does not make preparations. All the more when it was not yet even the phase of a moon, and yet she is with the Rites of mature person escorted, and with application of mourning clothes, the entire Court in white robes, from mourning to night weeping and in vigil. Since from ancient times there has never been anything that can compare to this! And yet you further will personally go to see the tomb, in person conveying the escort. May Your Majesty will restrain this matter that is without benefit and even harmful, and only have various ministers escort the burial, and beg the Imperial Chariot to not go.”
It also said: “The expenditures and costs will be beyond calculation. Furthermore, excellent servicemen and worthy men manage flourishing and decline, reside in safety or danger, maintaining the way and trusting in fate, and do not change their housing for security, the neighborhood follow this decency of custom and are without fearful hearts. All the more then for the sovereign ruler over the myriad states, when still then Heaven’s Under is calm, when moving then Heaven’s Under is disturbed. Going or stopping, movement or rest, how can it be done frivolously?” Cáo Ruì did not listen.12
Cáo Ruì also had his mother the lady Zhēn’s cousin’s deceased grandson Zhēn Huáng buried together with his deceased daughter the Píngyuán princess Yì (in a posthumous marriage), and posthumously enfeoffed Zhēn Huáng as a Ranked Marquess, and had his consort the lady Guō’s younger cousin Guō Dé adopted as their posterity, transferred to the Zhēn family name, enfeoffing Guō/Zhēn Dé as Marquess of Píngyuán to inherit the princess’s noble rank over Píngyuán.13
Sūn Shèng states: By the Rites, women are without a canon of enfeoffment and noble rank, so all the more for a child; how can there be establishment of a great fief? [Guō] Dé was from a different clan, served as successor one not of his kind, without achievement and without family relation, and yet inherited a mother’s noble rank, violating sentiment and turning back on canon, this was so extremely undue. Chén Qún though had opposing speech, Yáng Fù used example for comparison, however both were not able to thoroughly explain the Rites of the former kings, make clear the meanings of fief establishment and successor inheritance, their loyal words yet had deficiencies! The Shī says: “Awe-inspiring Master Yǐn, the people all look to you.” In the duties of the foremost ministers, how can one be only partial?14
The previous year in Wèi, Imperial Order had called the various vassal Kings to attend Court in the Standard Moon.15
Spring, Second Moon in Wèi [March 10 - April 7], Imperial Order said: “The ancient Emperors and Kings enfeoffed and established various marquesses to be vassal screens for the Ruling House. Does the Shī not say ‘cherishing virtue maintains peace, clan sons maintain city walls.’ Qín and Hàn continued from Zhōu, sometimes strong sometimes weak, both losing their centers. Great Wèi begins its enterprises, the various kings in founding states, follow the appropriateness of the times, not yet having a determined standard. This is not how to forever be a later law. Thus change the fiefs of the various marquesses and kings, all with prefectures as their states.”16 Previously, in Huángchū Fifth Year, Cáo Pī had ordered that counties be the fief states for Kings.17
Previously, Cáo Pī’s deceased full younger brother Cáo Zhāng’s successor son Cáo Kǎi had been changed in fief to Zhōngmù. That year, Tàihé Sixth Year, Cáo Kǎi was changed in fief to Rénchéng state, revenue from five counties and 2500 households.18
Cáo Pī’s full younger brother Cáo Zhí had Chén’s four counties enfeoff Cáo Zhí as King of Chén, fief of 3500 households.19
Cáo Pī’s younger half-brother Cáo Jù was changed in fief to King of Péngchéng.20
Cáo Pī’s younger half-brother Cáo Yǔ was changed in fief to King of Yān. Cáo Ruì when young had with Cáo Yǔ lived together, and always specially loved him. When Cáo Ruì succeeded the throne, the favor and bestowments on Cáo Yǔ were specially different from the various Kings.21
Cáo Pī’s younger half-brothers Cáo Lín was changed in fief to King of Pèi,22 Cáo Gǔn to King of Zhōngshān,23 Cáo Jùn to King of Chénliú,24 Cáo Gàn to King of Zhào,25 Cáo Biāo to King of Chǔ,26 Cáo Huī to King of Dōngpíng,27 Cáo Mào to King of Qǔyáng.28
Cáo Pī’s sons and Cáo Ruì’s younger half-brothers Cáo Ruí was changed in fief to King of Běihǎi,29 Cáo Lín to King of Dōnghǎi.30
The previous year, the King of Rénchéng Cáo Kǎi’s son Cáo Tì was adopted over to be the successor posterity for Cáo Pī’s deceased son the King of Yuánchéng Cáo Lǐ. Tàihé Sixth Year, changed Cáo Tì’s fief to King of Liáng.31
The previous year, the King of Rénchéng Cáo Kǎi’s son Cáo Wēn was adopted over to be the successor posterity for Cáo Pī’s deceased son the King of Hándān Cáo Yōng. Tàihé Sixth year, changed Cáo Wēn’s fief to King of Lǔyáng.32
Previously, Cáo Zhí was always indignant and resentful, believing that he had talent and potential that was not being utilized, and therefore he had sent memorials to his nephew the Emperor Cáo Ruì asking to be tested for employment.33 When he attended Court, he always wished to request to separately meet to discuss the time’s governance, hoping to be tested for employment, but to the end he was not able. When he was sent back, he was frustrated and in despair.34
Third Moon in Wú [April 8 - May 6], sent General Zhōu Hè and Colonel Péi Qián to sail the sea to Liáodōng.35
Third Moon in Wèi [April 8 - May 7], Guǐyǒu [April 14], Cáo Ruì went on eastern tour, wherever he passed he asked after the old, widowers, widows, orphans, and childless, bestowing grain and silk. Yǐhài [April 16], the Moon crossed Xuānyuán constellation.36
Summer, Fourth Moon in Wèi [May 8 - June 5], Rényín [May 13], Cáo Ruì went to visit Xǔchāng Palace. Jiǎzǐ [June 4], first offered fresh fruit at the Ancestral Temples.37
Fifth Moon in Wèi [June 6 - July 5], Jiǎxū [June 14],38 the Imperial son Cáo Yīn died. Posthumously enfeoffed and posthumous title as King Āi “Tragic” of Ānpíng.39
Autumn, Seventh Moon in Wèi [August 4 - September 2], Minister of the Guard Dǒng Zhāo became Excellency over the Masses.40 Previously in Tàihé Fourth Year [230], Dǒng Zhāo enacted Excellency over the Masses affairs, and in the Sixth Year was appointed to the true position.41
Ninth Moon in Wèi [October 2 - October 31], Cáo Ruì went to visit Móbēi, repairing Xǔchāng Palace, raising Jǐngfú and Chéngguāng Halls.42
Autumn, Ninth Moon in Wú [October 2 - October 30], Wèi officer Tián Yù intercepted the Wú envoy mission’s return.43
Previously, Tián Yù had been Protector of the Xiānbēi Colonel for nine years, his management of the Yí-Dí always repressed and restrained them from uniting, cleverly scattering their strong and crafty. All those traitors who fled to make plans for the Hú and serve as their harmful officials, Tián Yù all framed and assassinated to disturb and separate, to cause their vicious and evil plots to not be followed, and those sorts living among them to not be secure. His projects and enterprises were not yet complete when the Yōu Province Inspector Wáng Xióng’s faction supporters wished to have Wáng Xióng be designated Wūhuán Colonel, and slandered Tián Yù as disordering the borders and for the state creating troubles. Therefore Tián Yù was transferred to Rǔnán Administrator, added Exterminating Yí General.
Later, in the end of Tàihé, Gōngsūn Yuān with Liáodōng rebelled. The Emperor Cáo Ruì wished to campaign against him but had trouble determining who to send, and Central Manager of the Army Yáng Jì recommended Tián Yù in response. Thus sent Tián Yù to his original office as Commander of Qīng Province’s various armies, Lent Staff, to go suppress Gōngsūn Yuān. It happened that Wú had sent envoys to with Gōngsūn Yuān join together, the Emperor because the rebel multitudes were many, and also because they would need to cross the sea, sent Imperial Order on Tián Yù to dismiss his armies. Tián Yù judged the enemy ships would return at the end of the year when the winds would be fast and certainly fear the waves and go east avoiding the coast, and would visit Chéngshān. Chéngshān had no place to hide boats, so then following along the sea, in accordance with the terrain and various mountain islands, along the critical points, Tián Yù split up troops into garrisons to defend, and personally entered Chéngshān, ascending Hàn Wǔ’s watchtower.
When the Wú ships returned, they indeed encountered bad winds, ships crashed into the mountains and sunk, waves crashing into the coast, none were able to escape, completing capturing their multitudes.44
Tenth Moon in Wèi [November 1 - November 29], Exterminating Yí General Tián Yù led his multitudes to suppress Wú officer Zhōu Hè at Chéngshān, killing Zhōu Hè.45
Previously, the various officers had all laughed at waiting on empty ground for the enemy. When the rebels were defeated, they competed to make plans, requesting to enter the sea to capture the remaining boats. Tián Yù feared that desperate caitiffs would fight to the death, and did not listen.
Previously, Tián Yù as an Administrator was Commander of Qīng Province, Qīng Province Inspector Chéng Xǐ inside would not submit to him, and during military affairs they often opposed one another. Chéng Xǐ knew the Emperor Cáo Ruì treasured and loved pearls, and so secretly sent up report: “[Tián] Yù though has battle achievements, yet his restrictions and orders are loose and slack, the captured equipment and weapons and pearls and gold were extremely many, he gave it out and did not submit it to the government.” Because of this the achievement was not ranked.46
Previously, when Wú had sent its officer Zhōu Hé to sail the sea to visit Liáodōng to recruit and entice Gōngsūn Yuān, Cáo Ruì wished to intercept and suppress them, of the Court commentators many believed it impossible. Only Sūn Zī decided on and enacted a strategy, indeed greatly defeated them, and was advanced in noble rank to Zuǒ village Marquess.47
Previously, Sūn Quán exiled Yú Fān to Jiāo Province.48 Though Yú Fān was in exile and abandoned, his heart did not forget the state, he was always concerned that the Wǔxī Mányí should be suppressed, and as Liáodōng was cut off by seas, on hearing they had sent envoys to come subordinate themselves, believed it not worth taking, and now to send people and wealth to seek horses was both not to the state’s benefit, and also to fear to be without gains. Yú Fān wished to remonstrate but did not dare, and made a memorial to show to Jiāo Province Inspector Lǚ Dài, but Lǚ Dài did not reply. Yú Fān was reported by someone who hated him, and again relocated to Cāngwú’s Měnglíng.49
Later, Sūn Quán sent officers and soldiers to Liáodōng, in the sea they encountered winds, and many were drowned and lost. Sūn Quán regretted it, and so his Order said: “In the past Zhào Jiǎnzǐ said the yeses of everyone were not as good as Zhōu Shè’s honest speech. Yú Fān was clear and direct, excelled in exhaustive speech, the state’s Zhōu Shè. To have formerly sent [Yú] Fān to this, this task did not succeed. Hurriedly send down to inquire Jiāo Province, if [Yú] Fān is still alive, give him people and boats, to send back to the capital. If he is gone, send the body back to his home prefecture, and send his sons to serve in office.” It happened that Yú Fān had already died.50
Yú Fān was exiled in the south for over ten years, his years were seventy when he died. His body returned for burial in his old homeland graves, and his wives and children were able to return.51
Winter, Tenth Moon in Wú [October 31 - November 29], Wèi’s Liáodōng Administrator Gōngsūn Yuān sent Colonel Sù Shū and Cadets Internal Director Sūn Zōng to declare himself vassal to Sūn Quán, and also proffer sable horses. Sūn Quán was greatly pleased, and applied on Gōngsūn Yuān noble rank.52
Eleventh Moon in Wèi [November 30 - December 29], Bǐngyín [December 3], Tàibái [Venus] in daytime was seen. There was a comet at Yì, near Tàiwēi’s Shàngjiàng star. Gēngyín [232 December 27], King Sī “Thoughtful” of Chén Cáo Zhí died.53
At the time the laws and regulations on the treatment on the vassal states was already harsh and persecuting, their office associates were all dole merchants and untalented, the provided troops were leftover old men, and the largest number did not exceed two hundred men. Also Cáo Zhí for having former transgressions in every affair was further decreased by half, within eleven years he had been relocated three times, he was always anxious and without joy, and therefore he fell ill and died, at the time his years forty-one. His Legacy Order specified a meager burial, and believing his youngest son Cáo Zhì was a leader to protect the family, wished to enthrone him. Previously, when Cáo Zhí had been King of Dōng’ē, he ascended Yú mountain to overlook Dōng’ē, sighed and had thoughts of his end, and therefore built his tomb there. His son Cáo Zhì succeeded, transferred in fief to King of Jǐběi.54
Later, it was said that when Cáo Zhí ascended Yú mountain to overlook Dōng’ē, he suddenly heard in the peaks the sounds of chanting of Buddhist sutras, purely expressed and extremely clear, distantly to the valleys flowing echoes, solemn and having spiritual influence. Unconsciously he held back lapel in respect, then having thoughts of his own end, and at once imitated and followed it. Southern-Northern Dynasty era Buddhist chants were thus said to have all originated from Cáo Zhí’s imitations.55 Later, there was a fictitious anecdote of Cáo Zhí and his elder brother Cáo Pī that featured Buddhist imagery of the boiling cauldron of Buddhist hell:56
Emperor Wén [Cáo Pī] once ordered the King of Dōng’ē [Cáo Zhí] to within seven steps compose an ode, and if he did not complete it there would be enacting of great punishment. In answer to the sound he then made an ode saying:
Boiling beans to make soup
Straining legumes for their juice
Stalks below the cauldron burning
Beans inside the cauldron sobbing:
We were originally born of the same root
Why the rush to boil us?
The Emperor had an extremely shamed appearance.57
Zhèngyuán states: The ode was not composed by Cáo Zhí, but because the story is good, it has become more famous than any authentic work of Cáo Zhí. From this it can be seen that talent and skill are not the greatest factors in determining fame and legacy. Cáo Zhí became King of Dōng’ē in Tàihé Third Year [229], after Cáo Pī had already died [in 226],58 and his final fief was Chén, so that his posthumous name was Chén King Sī.59 That the fictitious anecdote calls him King of Dōng’ē is probably because of the story that Cáo Zhí learned Buddhist sutra chanting in Dōng’ē.60
Chén Shòu’s Appraisal states: Rénchéng [Cáo Zhāng] had martial skill and was strong and ferocious, having the air of a military commander. Chén Sī [Cáo Zhí] was wealthy and abundant in literary talent, sufficient to pass on to later eras, however he was not able to maintain modesty and distantly defend, in the end delivering hostility. The Zhuàn states: “Chǔ then lost it, but Qí also did not obtain it.” This is its meaning.61
Twelfth Moon in Wèi [232 December 30 - 233 January 27], Cáo Ruì went back to Xǔchāng Palace.62
That winter in Wú, the various ministers, because Sūn Quán had not yet held Suburb Sacrifices, memorialized commentary that said: “Recently auspicious signs repeatedly arrived, a distant state admired righteousness, Heaven’s intentions and Human affairs beginning to end are prepared and gather. It is appropriate to cultivate the Suburb Sacrifices, to carry on Heaven’s intentions.”
Sūn Quán said: “The Suburb Sacrifices should be in the land’s center. Now it is not at its place, how is one to enact this?”
The ministers again memorialized saying: “All is Under Heaven, none is not the ruler’s lands. The ruler takes Heaven’s Under as a house. In the past Zhōu Wén’s and Wǔ’s suburbs were at Fēng and Hào, not necessarily the land’s center.”
Sūn Quán said: “King Wǔ attacked Zhòu and then ascended at Hàojīng, and set Suburbs where it was. King Wén was not yet Heaven’s Son. Establishing Suburbs at Fēng is seen in what classic canon?”
Reply letter said: “In prostration it is seen in Hàn shū’s Jiāosì zhì. Kuāng Héng memorialized to move from Gānquán and Hédōng to the Suburbs at Cháng’ān, saying King Wén’s Suburbs were at Fēng.”
Sūn Quán said: “King Wén by nature was modest and deferential, occupied a position among vassal marquesses, it is obvious there were not yet Suburbs. The classics are without clear record, Kuāng Héng was a vulgar classicist saying what he wished, it is not the correct meanings of ancient records, and cannot be used.”63
Yú Xǐ’s Zhìlín states: The King of Wú gathered and mixed the memorials of Suburb Sacrifices, posthumously disparaged Kuāng Héng, calling him a vulgar classicist. Of all those that see this, none do not indignantly sigh at an exhaustive organization of reasoning reaching to a situational understanding. As for inspecting the ancient records, then it is all the more not sensible. The Máo shì’s statement says: “Yáo saw that Heaven because of Tái begat Hòujì, therefore made his state at Tái, ordering to serve Heaven.” Therefore, the Shī states: “Hòujì devised sacrifices, multitudes without fault or regret, so reaching to the present.” It says from Hòujì onward all were able to sacrifice to Heaven, like how the Lǔ men had Suburb Sacrifices. Therefore, the composition of the Yùpǔ has the amassing and burning of firewood. King Wén having Suburbs at Fēng, the classics have clear record; how was Kuāng Héng vulgar, and yet one insults him? King Wén though was not yet Heaven’s Son, however Heaven’s Under was divided in three and he had two, cut down Chóng and destroyed Lí, Zǔ Yī hurried to report. Heaven had already abandoned Yīn, and so turned to look west, Tàibó thrice declined, so that they had Heaven’s Under. King Wén in being King, by righteousness what was there to doubt? That being the case then Kuāng Héng’s memorial, to some extent was not exhaustive. Note that Shìzōng established the Gānquán and Fényīn shrines, both produced from the words of specialists, they were not according to classic canons. The specialists believed Gānquán and Fényīn was where Huáng-dì sacrificed to Heaven and Earth, and therefore Xiào-Wǔ followed this, and therefore established the two sacrifices. Hàn governed at Cháng’ān, but Gānquán was to its north, called as the Qián [northwest] seat, and yet [Kuāng] Héng said: “Emperor Wǔ occupied Gānquán, sacrificing at the South Palace.” This is already mistaken. The sacrifice at Fényīn was at the river’s Shuí, called as the Zé [west] center, and yet [Kuāng] Héng says: “East to Young Yáng,” mistaking its original meanings. This concerns Wú matters. As the biography is without criticisms, one would regret there to be no statement distinguishing and correcting, and therefore redress its statements.64
That year in Shǔ, Zhūgě Liàng rested the troops and encouraged agriculture at Huángshā, building of Flowing Horses and Wooden Oxen completed, instructed troops and discussed warfare.65
That year, Wú officer Lù Xùn had headed toward Lújiāng. In Wèi, those discussing believed it appropriate to quickly go to deal with him. Mǎn Chǒng said: “Though Lújiāng is small, its officers are energetic and troops elite. In defending then they can last a season. Also the rebels abandon their boats to come two hundred lǐ, to their rear tail are empty counties, one should wish to entice them to deliver themselves. Now it is appropriate to wait for their advance, but one fears they will only flee and cannot be caught.” Organized the army and hastened to Yángyíkǒu. The rebels heard the main army was going down east, and at once in the night fled.66
Previously, while Liú Yè was at the Wèi Court, he generally did not associate with the time’s people. Someone asked his reason, Liú Yè answered: “The Wèi House’s ascension is still new, the wise understand the mandate, of the vulgar some are not harmonious. for Hàn I was of a cadet branch, for Wèi I serve as belly and heart. Having few comrades and few followers is appropriate to have no failings.”67
Liú Yè was a descendant of Hàn Emperor Guāng-Wǔ’s son the King of Fùlíng Liú Yán.68
That year, Tàihé Sixth Year [232], Liú Yè due to illness was appointed Grand Internal Grandee, after a while, became Minister Herald. He held that position for two years then resigned position and returned to Grand Internal Grandee, died, posthumous name Marquess Jǐng. His son Liú Yǔ succeeded. His youngest son Liú Táo also had high talent but meager conduct, rank reached Píngyuáng Administrator.69
Strong thoughts and great considerations is called Jǐng (“Visionary”).70
Fù Xuán states:
Previously, when Liú Yè served Cáo Ruì, he greatly met with closeness and value. When Cáo Ruì was about to attack Shǔ, the Court ministers inside and outside all said: “Impossible.” Liú Yè entered and with Cáo Ruì discussed, and therefore said: “Can attack.” Going out and with the Court ministers talking, he therefore said: “Cannot attack.” Liú Yè had courage and wisdom, his speaking all had form. Central Manager of the Army Yáng Jì was Cáo Ruì’s close minister, also valued Liú Yè, and was the most unyielding of the commentators maintaining that Shǔ could not be attacked. Every time exiting from the inside, at once he passed Liú Yè, and Liú Yè explained intentions of not attacking. Later, Yáng Jì followed the carriage to Tiānyuān Pond, Cáo Ruì discussed the matter of attacking Shǔ, Yáng Jì harshly remonstrated. Cáo Ruì said: “You are a scholar, how can you understand military affairs?” Yáng Jì modestly apologized and said: “Your Servant comes from the insignificant of classicist scholars, Your Majesty mistakenly listened to select Your Servant out of the crowds and establish above the Six Armies. Your Servant has trifling heart and does not dare not exhaustively speak. Your Servant’s words truly are not worth selecting, but Attendant Internal Liú Yè was the Former Emperor’s strategy minister, and always says Shǔ cannot be attacked.” Cáo Ruì said: “[Liú] Yè to me said that Shǔ can be attacked.” Yáng Jì said: “[Liú] Yè can be summoned to verify.” Imperial Order summoned Liú Yè to arrive. Cáo Ruì asked Liú Yè, to the end he would not speak.
Later when meeting alone, Liú Yè reproached the Emperor saying: “Attacking a state is a big plan. Your Servant is able to hear of a big plan, always fearing the nightmare of a leak to increase Your Servant’s crimes. How can one dare speak of it to others? ‘Warfare is a contradictory path.’ When military affairs have not yet been issued, one does not resent its secrecy. Your Majesty so prominently revealed it, and Your Servant fears the enemy state has already heard of it.” Therefore the Emperor apologized to him. When Liú Yè went out, he reproached Yáng Jì saying: “When hooking a large fish, then slacken and follow it, waiting for when it can be overpowered and afterward pull it in, then nothing is not gained. The power of a ruler of men, how is it only that of a large fish? You truly are an upright minister, however your plans are not worth selecting, and cannot be not meticulous in thought.” Yáng Jì also apologized to him. Liú Yè was able to adapt to changes and play both sides like this.
Someone slandered Liú Yè to the Emperor saying: “Liú Yè is not completely loyal. He excels at watching what the superior’s intentions tend toward and according to it. Your Majesty can test it in speaking with Liú Yè, all asking him about the reverse of your intentions. If all that is asked is opposed, it is that [Liú] Yè is ordinarily in agreement with your sagely attentions. If instead everything that is asked is agreed with, the situation of [Liú] Yè certainly will have nowhere to escape.” Cáo Ruì did as said to test him, and indeed discovered the situation, and from this distanced from Liú Yè. Liú Yè therefore went mad, was sent out to be Minister Herald, and died in anxiety.
Proverb states: ‘Skillful deception does not match plain truth.’ Believable. With Liú Yè’s enlightened wisdom and expedient strategies, if he maintained it with virtue and righteousness, enacted it with loyalty and faith, what would even the highest worthies of antiquity add to that? Alone relying on talent and sagacity, not assocating with the era’s servicemen, inside not devoting heart in serving superiors, outside destitute in vulgarity, in the end unable to secure himself in Heaven’s Under, how is it not a pity?71
《陳壽·吳志二·吳主傳》嘉禾元年春正月，建昌侯慮卒。
《陳壽·吳志十四·孫慮傳》孫慮字子智，登弟也。少敏惠有才藝，權器愛之。黃武七年，封建昌侯。後二年，丞相雍等奏慮性聰體達，所尚日新，比方近漢，宜進爵稱王，權未許。久之，尚書僕射存上疏曰：「帝王之興，莫不褒崇至親，以光群后，故魯衛於周，寵冠諸侯，高帝五王，封列于漢，所以藩屏本朝，為國鎮衛。建昌侯慮稟性聰敏，才兼文武，於古典制，宜正名號。陛下謙光，未肯如舊，群寮大小，咸用於邑。方今姦寇恣睢，金鼓未弭，腹心爪牙，惟親與賢。輒與丞相雍等議，咸以慮宜為鎮軍大將軍，授任偏方，以光大業。」權乃許之，於是假節開府，治半州。
《陳壽·吳志八·薛綜傳》黃龍三年，建昌侯慮為鎮軍大將軍，屯半州，以綜為長史，外掌眾事，內授書籍。
《陳壽·吳志十四·孫慮傳》慮以皇子之尊，富於春秋，遠近嫌其不能留意。及至臨事，遵奉法度，敬納師友，過於眾望。年二十，嘉禾元年卒。
《陳壽·吳志十四·孫登傳》權遷都建業，徵上大將軍陸遜輔登鎮武昌，領宮府留事。
《陳壽·吳志十四·孫登傳》後弟慮卒，權為之降損，登晝夜兼行，到賴鄉，自聞，即時召見。見權悲泣，因諫曰：「慮寢疾不起，此乃命也。方今朔土未一，四海喁喁，天戴陛下，而以下流之念，減損大官殽饌，過於禮制，臣竊憂惶。」權納其言，為之加膳。住十餘日，欲遣西還，深自陳乞，以久離定省，子道有闕，又陳陸遜忠勤，無所顧憂，權遂留焉。
《瞿曇悉達·開元占經十三》六年正月甲戌，皇女暴薨，上及羣臣皆為之服。
《陳壽·魏志二十二·陳群傳》後皇女淑薨，追封諡平原懿公主。
《陳壽·魏志二十五·楊阜傳》帝愛女淑，未期而夭，帝痛之甚，追封平原公主，立廟洛陽，葬於南陵。
《逸周書·謚法》溫柔聖善曰懿。
《陳壽·魏志二十五·楊阜傳》將自臨送，阜上疏曰：「文皇帝、武宣皇后崩，陛下皆不送葬，所以重社稷、備不虞也。何至孩抱之赤子而可送葬也哉？」帝不從。
《陳壽·魏志二十二·陳群傳》群上疏曰：「長短有命，存亡有分。故聖人制禮，或抑或致，以求厥中。防墓有不脩之儉，嬴、博有不歸之魂。夫大人動合天地，垂之無窮，又大德不踰閑，動為師表故也。八歲下殤，禮所不備，況未期月，而以成人禮送之，加為制服，舉朝素衣，朝夕哭臨，自古已來，未有此比。而乃復自往視陵，親臨祖載。願陛下抑割無益有損之事，但悉聽群臣送葬，乞車駕不行，此萬國之至望也。聞車駕欲幸摩陂，實到許昌，二宮上下，皆悉俱東，舉朝大小，莫不驚怪。或言欲以避衰，或言欲於便處移殿舍，或不知何故。臣以為吉凶有命，禍福由人，移徙求安，則亦無益。若必當移避，繕治金墉城西宮，及孟津別宮，皆可權時分止。可無舉宮暴露野次，廢損盛節蠶農之要。又賊地聞之，以為大衰。加所煩費，不可計量。且（由）吉士賢人，當盛衰，處安危，秉道信命，非徙其家以寧，鄉邑從其風化，無恐懼之心。況乃帝王萬國之主，靜則天下安，動則天下擾；行止動靜，豈可輕脫哉？」帝不聽。
《陳壽·魏志五·文昭甄皇后傳》取后亡從孫黃與合葬，追封黃列侯，以夫人郭氏從弟德為之後，承甄氏姓，封德為平原侯，襲公主爵。
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志五·文昭甄皇后傳》孫盛曰：於禮，婦人既無封爵之典，況于孩末，而可建以大邑乎？德自異族，援繼非類，匪功匪親，而襲母爵，違情背典，於此為甚。陳群雖抗言，楊阜引事比並，然皆不能極陳先王之禮，明封建繼嗣之義，忠至之辭，猶有闕乎！詩云：「赫赫師尹，民具爾瞻。」宰輔之職，其可略哉！
《陳壽·魏志十九·陳思王植傳》其年冬，詔諸王朝六年正月。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》六年春二月，詔曰：「古之帝王，封建諸侯，所以藩屏王室也。詩不云乎，『懷德維寧，宗子維城』。秦、漢繼周，或彊或弱，俱失厥中。大魏創業，諸王開國，隨時之宜，未有定制，非所以永為後法也。其改封諸侯王，皆以郡為國。」
《陳壽·魏志二十·彭城王據傳》五年，詔曰：「先王建國，隨時而制。漢祖增秦所置郡，至光武以天下損耗，并省郡縣。以今比之，益不及焉。其改封諸王，皆為縣王。」
《陳壽·魏志十九·任城威王彰傳》子楷嗣，徙封中牟。五年，改封任城縣。太和六年，復改封任城國，食五縣二千五百戶。
《陳壽·魏志十九·陳思王植傳》其二月，以陳四縣封植為陳王，邑三千五百戶。
《陳壽·魏志二十·彭城王據傳》太和六年，改封諸王，皆以郡為國，據復封彭城。
《陳壽·魏志二十·燕王宇傳》太和六年，改封燕王。明帝少與宇同止，常愛異之。及即位，寵賜與諸王殊。
《陳壽·魏志二十·沛穆王林傳》太和六年，改封沛。
《陳壽·魏志二十·中山恭王袞傳》六年，改封中山。
《陳壽·魏志二十·陳留恭王峻傳》太和六年，又封陳留。
《陳壽·魏志二十·趙王幹傳》太和六年，改封趙王。
《陳壽·魏志二十·楚王彪傳》六年，改封楚。
《陳壽·魏志二十·東平靈王徽傳》太和六年，改封東平。
《陳壽·魏志二十·樂陵王茂傳》六年，改封曲陽王。
《陳壽·魏志二十·北海悼王蕤傳》太和六年，改封北海。
《陳壽·魏志二十·東海定王霖傳》太和六年，改封東海。
《陳壽·魏志二十·元城哀王禮傳》五年，以任城王楷子悌嗣禮後。六年，改封梁王。
《陳壽·魏志二十·邯鄲懷王邕傳》五年，以任城王楷子溫嗣邕後。六年，改封魯陽。
《陳壽·魏志十九·陳思王植傳》植常自憤怨，抱利器而無所施，上疏求自試。
《陳壽·魏志十九·陳思王植傳》植每欲求別見獨談，論及時政，幸冀試用，終不能得。既還，悵然絕望。
《陳壽·吳志二·吳主傳》三月，遣將軍周賀、校尉裴潛乘海之遼東。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》三月癸酉，行東巡，所過存問高年鰥寡孤獨，賜穀帛。乙亥，月犯軒轅大星。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》夏四月壬寅，行幸許昌宮。甲子，初進新果于廟。
《瞿曇悉達·開元占經十三》五月甲戌，皇太子殿下薨。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》五月，皇子殷薨，追封諡安平哀王。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》秋七月，以衛尉董昭為司徒。
《陳壽·魏志十四·董昭傳》太和四年，行司徒事，六年，拜真。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》九月，行幸摩陂，治許昌宮，起景福、承光殿。
《陳壽·吳志二·吳主傳》秋九月，魏將田豫要擊，斬賀于成山。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·田豫傳》為校尉九年，其御夷狄，恆摧抑兼并，乖散彊猾。凡逋亡姦宄，為胡作計不利官者，豫皆構刺攪離，使凶邪之謀不遂，聚居之類不安。事業未究，而幽州刺史王雄支黨欲令雄領烏丸校尉，毀豫亂邊，為國生事。遂轉豫為汝南太守，加殄夷將軍。太和末，公孫淵以遼東叛，帝欲征之而難其人，中領軍楊暨舉豫應選。乃使豫以本官督青州諸軍，假節，往討之。會吳賊遣使與淵相結，帝以賊眾多，又以渡海，詔豫使罷軍。豫度賊船垂還，歲晚風急，必畏漂浪，東隨無岸，當赴成山。成山無藏船之處，輒便循海，案行地勢，及諸山島，徼截險要，列兵屯守。自入成山，登漢武之觀。賊還，果遇惡風，船皆觸山沈沒，波蕩著岸，無所蒙竄，盡虜其眾。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》冬十月，殄夷將軍田豫帥眾討吳將周賀於成山，殺賀。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·田豫傳》初，諸將皆笑於空地待賊，及賊破，競欲與謀，求入海鉤取浪船。豫懼窮虜死戰，皆不聽。初，豫以太守督青州，青州刺史程喜內懷不服，軍事之際，多相違錯。喜知帝寶愛明珠，乃密上：「豫雖有戰功而禁令寬弛，所得器仗珠金甚多，放散皆不納官。」由是功不見列。
《陳壽·魏志十四·劉放傳》太和末，吳遣將周賀浮海詣遼東，招誘公孫淵。帝欲邀討之，朝議多以為不可。惟資決行策，果大破之，進爵左鄉侯。
《陳壽·吳志十二·虞翻傳》翻性疏直，數有酒失。權與張昭論及神仙，翻指昭曰：「彼皆死人，而語神仙，世豈有仙人（也）〔邪〕！」權積怒非一，遂徙翻交州。
裴松之注《陳壽·吳志十二·虞翻傳》吳書曰：翻雖在徙棄，心不忘國，常憂五谿宜討，以遼東海絕，聽人使來屬，尚不足取，今去人財以求馬，既非國利，又恐無獲。欲諫不敢，作表以示呂岱，岱不報，為愛憎所白，復徙蒼梧猛陵。
裴松之注《陳壽·吳志十二·虞翻傳》江表傳曰：後權遣將士至遼東，於海中遭風，多所沒失，權悔之，乃令曰：「昔趙簡子稱諸君之唯唯，不如周舍之諤諤。虞翻亮直，善於盡言，國之周舍也。前使翻在此，此役不成。」促下問交州，翻若尚存者，給其人船，發遣還都；若以亡者，送喪還本郡，使兒子仕宦。會翻已終。
《陳壽·吳志十二·虞翻傳》在南十餘年，年七十卒。歸葬舊墓，妻子得還。
《陳壽·吳志二·吳主傳》冬十月，魏遼東太守公孫淵遣校尉宿舒、閬中令孫綜稱藩於權，并獻貂馬。權大悅，加淵爵位。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》冬十月，殄夷將軍田豫帥眾討吳將周賀於成山，殺賀。十一月丙寅，太白晝見。有星孛于翼，近太微上將星。庚寅，陳思王植薨。
《陳壽·魏志十九·陳思王植傳》時法制，待藩國既自峻迫，寮屬皆賈豎下才，兵人給其殘老，大數不過二百人。又植以前過，事事復減半，十一年中而三徙都，常汲汲無歡，遂發疾薨，時年四十一。遺令薄葬。以小子志，保家之主也，欲立之。初，植登魚山，臨東阿，喟然有終焉之心，遂營為墓。子志嗣，徙封濟北王。
《太平御覽三百八十八·人事部二十九·聲》《異苑》曰：陳思王嘗登魚山，臨東阿，忽聞巖岫里有誦經聲，清道深亮，遠谷流響，肅然有靈氣。不覺斂襟祗敬，便有終焉之志，即效而則之，今梵唱皆植依擬所造。
Own analysis of the poem
《劉義慶·世說新語四·文學》文帝嘗令東阿王七歩中作詩，不成者行大法。應聲便爲詩曰：「煮豆持作羹，漉菽以爲汁。萁在釜下然，豆在釜中泣。本自同根生，相煎何太急？」帝深有慚色。
《陳壽·魏志十九·陳思王植傳》三年，徙封東阿。
《陳壽·魏志十九·陳思王植傳》其二月，以陳四縣封植為陳王，邑三千五百戶。
Own speculation
《陳壽·魏志十九·任城陳蕭王傳》評曰：任城武藝壯猛，有將領之氣。陳思文才富豔，足以自通後葉，然不能克讓遠防，終致攜隙。傳曰「楚則失之矣。而齊亦未為得也」，其此之謂歟！
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》十二月，行還許昌宮。
裴松之注《陳壽·吳志二·吳主傳》江表傳曰：是冬，群臣以權未郊祀，奏議曰：「頃者嘉瑞屢臻，遠國慕義，天意人事，前後備集，宜脩郊祀，以承天意。」權曰：「郊祀當於土中，今非其所，於何施此？」重奏曰：「普天之下，莫非王土；王者以天下為家。昔周文、武郊於酆、鎬，非必土中。」權曰：「武王伐紂，即阼於鎬京，而郊其所也。文王未為天子，立郊於酆，見何經典？」復書曰：「伏見漢書郊祀志，匡衡奏徙甘泉河東，郊於長安，言文王郊於酆。」權曰：「文王性謙讓，處諸侯之位，明未郊也。經傳無明文，匡衡俗儒意說，非典籍正義，不可用也。」
裴松之注《陳壽·吳志二·吳主傳》志林曰：吳王糾駮郊祀之奏，追貶匡衡，謂之俗儒。凡在見者，莫不慨然以為統盡物理，達於事宜。至於稽之典籍，乃更不通。毛氏之說云：「堯見天因邰而生后稷，故國之於邰，命使事天。」故詩曰：「后稷肇祀，庶無罪悔，以迄于今。」言自后稷以來皆得祭天，猶魯人郊祀也。是以棫樸之作，有積燎之薪。文王郊酆，經有明文，匡衡豈俗，而枉之哉？文王雖未為天子，然三分天下而有其二，伐崇戡黎，祖伊奔告。天既棄殷，乃眷西顧，太伯三讓，以有天下。文王為王，於義何疑？然則匡衡之奏，有所未盡。按世宗立甘泉、汾陰之祠，皆出方士之言，非據經典者也。方士以甘泉、汾陰黃帝祭天地之處，故孝武因之，遂立二畤。漢治長安，而甘泉在北，謂就乾位，而衡云：「武帝居甘泉，祭于南宮」，此既誤矣。祭汾陰在水之脽，呼為澤中，而衡云「東之少陽」，失其本意。此自吳事，於傳無非，恨無辨正之辭，故矯之云。
《陳壽·蜀志三·後主傳》十年，亮休士勸農於黃沙，作流馬木牛畢，教兵講武。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·滿寵傳》明年，吳將陸遜向廬江，論者以為宜速赴之。寵曰：「廬江雖小，將勁兵精，守則經時。又賊舍船二百里來，後尾空縣，尚欲誘致，今宜聽其遂進，但恐走不可及耳。」整軍趨楊宜口。賊聞大兵東下，即夜遁。
《陳壽·魏志十四·劉曄傳》曄在朝，略不交接時人。或問其故，曄答曰：「魏室即阼尚新，智者知命，俗或未咸。僕在漢為支葉，於魏備腹心，寡偶少徒，於宜未失也。」
《陳壽·魏志十四·劉曄傳》劉曄字子揚，淮南成德人，漢光武子阜陵王延後也。
《陳壽·魏志十四·劉曄傳》太和六年，以疾拜太中大夫。有閒，為大鴻臚，在位二年遜位，復為太中大夫，薨。諡曰景侯。子宇嗣。少子陶，亦高才而薄行，官至平原太守。
《逸周書·謚法》耆意大慮曰景。
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志十四·劉曄傳》傅子曰：曄事明皇帝，又大見親重。帝將伐蜀，朝臣內外皆曰「不可」。曄入與帝議，因曰「可伐」；出與朝臣言，因曰「不可伐」。曄有膽智，言之皆有形。中領軍楊暨，帝之親臣，又重曄，持不可伐蜀之議最堅，每從內出，輒過曄，曄講不可之意。後暨從駕行天淵池，帝論伐蜀事，暨切諫。帝曰：「卿書生，焉知兵事！」暨謙謝曰：「臣出自儒生之末，陛下過聽，拔臣群萃之中，立之六軍之上，臣有微心，不敢不盡言。臣言誠不足采，侍中劉曄先帝謀臣，常曰蜀不可伐。」帝曰：「曄與吾言蜀可伐。」暨曰：「曄可召質也。」詔召曄至，帝問曄，終不言。後獨見，曄責帝曰：「伐國，大謀也，臣得與聞大謀，常恐眯夢漏泄以益臣罪，焉敢向人言之？夫兵，詭道也，軍事未發，不厭其密也。陛下顯然露之，臣恐敵國已聞之矣。」於是帝謝之。曄見出，責暨曰：「夫釣者中大魚，則縱而隨之，須可制而後牽，則無不得也。人主之威，豈徒大魚而已！子誠直臣，然計不足采，不可不精思也。」暨亦謝之。曄能應變持兩端如此。或惡曄于帝曰：「曄不盡忠，善伺上意所趨而合之。陛下試與曄言，皆反意而問之，若皆與所問反者，是曄常與聖意合也。復每問皆同者，曄之情必無所逃矣。」帝如言以驗之，果得其情，從此疏焉。曄遂發狂，出為大鴻臚，以憂死。諺曰「巧詐不如拙誠」，信矣。以曄之明智權計，若居之以德義，行之以忠信，古之上賢，何以加諸？獨任才智，不與世士相經緯，內不推心事上，外困於俗，卒不能自安於天下，豈不惜哉！