[231] Tàihé 5/Jiànxīng 9/Huánglóng 3
231 AD, Zhūgě Liàng's Fourth Northern Expedition
Spring, Standard Moon in Wèi [231 February 20 - March 20], the Wèi Emperor Cáo Ruì plowed the Register Field.1
Previously, every time Cáo Zhēn went on campaign, he shared in the labors and hardships with the officers and soldiers. If the army’s rewards were not enough, at once he used his family’s wealth to add to the bestowments, and the soldiers were all willing to be employed by him. He fell ill, and returned to Luòyáng. The Wèi Emperor personally visited his mansion to check on his illness.2
Second Moon in Shǔ [March 21 - April 19], Zhūgě Liàng again sent out army to besiege Qíshān, first using Wooden Oxen transports.3
Wooden Oxen have square belly and curved head, one leg four feet, the head enters into the neck, the tongue showing in the belly. It carries much but travels little, and should be used for large transports, not small tasks. The specialized can travel several tens of lǐ, the common can travel twenty lǐ. When the man travels six chǐ, the ox travels four bù. It carries a year’s provisions, daily traveling twenty lǐ, and yet the man is not greatly labored.4
Zhūgě Liàng reached out to the Xiānbēi chieftain Kē Bǐnéng, and Bǐnéng and others arrived at former Běidì Shíchéng to answer Zhūgě Liàng. At the time Wèi’s Marshal-in-Chief Cáo Zhēn was ill, and Wèi’s General-in-Chief Sīmǎ Yì from Jīng Province entered Court. The Wèi Emperor Cáo Ruì said: “The west’s affairs are serious, if not you then none can be entrusted.”5
Thus Sīmǎ Yì was sent to garrison Cháng’ān as Commander of Yōng and Liáng two provinces’ military affairs, commanding Chariots and Cavalry General Zhāng Hé, Rear General Fèi Yào, Campaigning against Shǔ Protector of the Army Dài Líng, Yōng Province Inspector Guō Huái, and others.6
Previously, because Zhūgě Liàng had repeatedly set out, and Kē Bǐnéng was cunning, and they were able to communicate with each other, Qiān Zhāo memorialized to guard against it. Commentators believed they were far away from each other, and did not yet believe it. It happened that Zhūgĕ Liàng at the time was at Qíshān, and he indeed sent envoy to join alliance with Kē Bǐnéng. Kē Bǐnéng reached former Běidì Shíchéng, with Zhūgě Liàng forming head and tail.
The Wèi Emperor thus had Imperial Order on Qiān Zhāo to send him to follow what was convenient and expedient to suppress them. At that time Kē Bǐnéng had already returned to Mònán.
Qiān Zhāo with Bìng Province Inspector Bì Guǐ commented: “The Hú caitiffs move about without constancy. If we labor the brigades to distantly pursue, then it will be too late or too quick and not reach one another. If wishing to secretly attack, then with mountain creeks and difficult terrain, supplies and provisions transports are difficult to secretly manage. One can send to protect Xīnxīng and Yànmén two Ivory Gates to send out to garrison the north of the passes, outside to defend and succor, inside to have the soldiers farm, storing up and raising livestock for supplies and provisions, in the autumn and winter the horses will fatten, the provinces’ and prefectures’ soldiers gather, taking advantage of quarrels to campaign and suppress, the plan is certain to completely succeed.” It had not yet been put into effect, when it happened that Qiān Zhāo died.
Qiān Zhāo had been Yànmén Administrator for twelve years, his awe-inspiring authority shaking distantly. The praise of his governance of the borders was second to Tián Yù, the Hundred Surnames had recollections of him.7 Qiān Zhāo’s son Qiān Jiā succeeded his noble rank,8 Yúyáng’s Fù Róng succeeded Qiān Zhāo in Yànmén, having fame and achievements, and later also had achievements in Liáodōng.9
Chén Shòu’s Appraisal states: Tián Yù in maintaining self was pure and white, planning and strategy enlightened and practiced. Qiān Zhāo wielded righteousness strong and illustrious, authority and achievements prominently known. Yet [Tián] Yù’s position stopped at a small province, [Qiān] Zhāo ended as a prefecture administrator; they were not thoroughly used in their employment.10
Second Moon in Wú [March 21 - April 18], sent Minister of Ceremonies Pān Jùn to lead multitudes of fifty thousand to suppress Wǔlíng’s Mányí. Wèi Wēn and Zhūgě Zhí for violating Imperial Order and returning without achievement were both sent down to prison and executed.11
Previously, when Sūn Quán was about to plot for Zhūyá and Yízhōu, for both he first asked Quán Cóng. Quán Cóng said: “With the Sagely Court’s authority, where could it head without succeeding? However for different regions and foreign lands, cut off and obstructed by seas, the water and soil and air is poisonous, from since the ancients it has been so, that troops entering and people going out, are certain to produce illnesses, spreading and contaminating one another. The going fear they cannot return, and can the captured be more than the sent? To recklessly damage the troops of the Jiāng’s shores in hopes of a ten thousand to one profit, Your Foolish Servant yet is not at ease.” Sūn Quán did not listen. The army went and passed through the year, the soldier multitudes that fell ill and died were eight to nine out of ten. Sūn Quán deeply regretted it.12
Previously, when Sūn Quán claimed the Honored Title [in 229], Pān Jùn was appointed Minister Treasurer, advanced in fief to Marquess of Liúyáng, then later promoted to Minister of Ceremonies.13 While Pān Jùn was Minister Treasurer, Sūn Quán repeatedly went pheasant shooting, Pān Jùn remonstrated Sūn Quán, Sūn Quán said: “After we last parted, I only at times temporarily go out, no longer as frequently as former days.” Pān Jùn said: “Heaven’s Under is not yet settled, there are myriads of numerous tasks, shooting pheasants is not urgent, bow string snapping and bow breaking all are able to cause injury, I beg you specially for Your Servant therefore stop this.” Pān Jùn went out, saw where the pheasant screens were, and then with his own hands removed and destroyed them. Sūn Quán because of this stopped himself and no longer shot pheasants.14
When the Wǔxī Mányí rebelled and joined together, Sūn Quán Lent Pān Jùn staff to command the various armies to suppress them.15
That year, Huánglóng Third Year [231], as the southern lands were purified and settled, summoned Lǚ Dài back from Jiāo Province to garrison Chángshā’s Ōukǒu. It happened Wǔlíng’s Mányí were disturbed and Lǚ Dài with Minister of Ceremonies Pān Jùn together suppressed and settled them.16
Later, Wú again divided Jiāo Province to install a Guǎng Province, with Nányáng’s Téng Xiū as its Inspector. Someone told Téng Xiū of a crustacean antenna with a length of one zhàng [~2.4m], Téng Xiū did not believe it. The person later therefore went to the eastern sea, caught a crustacean with an antenna with length of four zhàng four chǐ [~10.6m], sealed it to show Téng Xiū. Téng Xiū then conceded to him.17
Third Moon in Wèi [April 20 - May 18], Marshal-in-Chief Cáo Zhēn died.18 Posthumous name Marquess Yuán. His son Cáo Shuǎng succeeded.19
Enacting virtue and pleasing the people is called Yuán (“Primary,” “Fundamental”).20
Previously, Cáo Pī had divided from Cáo Zhēn’s fief two hundred households to enfeoff Cáo Zhēn’s younger brother Cáo Bīn as a Ranked Marquess.21 When Cáo Zhēn was young, he with his clansman Cáo Zūn and fellow village man Zhū Zàn together served Cáo Cāo. Cáo Zūn and Zhū Zàn early died, Cáo Zhēn pitied this, and requested to divide his fief revenue to enfeoff Cáo Zūn’s and Zhū Zàn’s sons. Cáo Ruì’s Imperial Order said: “The Marshal-in-Chief has the benevolence of Shūxiàng comforting the orphan, truly Yán Píng’s long valuing relationships. The gentleman completes a person’s beauty. Listen and divide Cáo Zhēn’s fief to bestow on [Cáo] Zūn’s and [Zhū] Zàn’s sons noble ranks as Within the Passes Marquesses, each one hundred households.”22
Cáo Ruì in recollection of Cáo Zhēn’s achievements had Imperial Order that said: “The Marshal-in-Chief tread with loyalty and integrity, assisting the mandate of the two founders, inside not relying on the favor of kinship, outside not arrogant to servicemen of bare [poor] houses. He can be said to be able to maintain the full to defend position, ‘laboring modesty’ was his virtue. Thus all enfeoff five of [Cáo] Zhēn’s sons [Cáo] Xī, [Cáo] Xùn, [Cáo] Zé, [Cáo] Yàn, [Cáo] Ái all as Ranked Marquesses.”23
Guóyǔ states: Shūxiàng saw Sīmǎ Hóu’s son, comforted and wept for him.24
Lúnyǔ states: The master said: “Yán Píng excelled in being friends with others, after a long time and yet still honoring them.”25
Yì, Qiān, Nine Three: Laboring modesty, the gentleman has conclusion, auspicious.26
Third Moon in Wèi [April 20 - May 18], Zhūgĕ Liàng plundered Tiānshǔi. Imperial Order on General-in-Chief Sīmǎ Yì to resist him. From the previous winter Tenth Moon to this Third Moon it did not rain. Xīnsì [April 28], great sacrifices for rain.27
Summer, Fourth Moon in Wèi [May 19 - June 17], the Xiānbēi Fùyì King Kē Bǐnéng led his tribesmen and Dīnglíng chieftain Érchán to visit Yōu Province to tribute famed horses. Again installed a Protector of the Xiōngnú Internal Cadet General.28
That summer in Wú, a wild silkworm completed a cocoon as big as an egg. In Yóuquán wild rice on its own grew. Changed Yóuquán to Héxīng “Grain Rising” county.29
When Zhūgě Liàng had set out, in Wèi the commentators believed: “[Zhūgě] Liàng’s army is without supply carriages, provisions certainly will not be connected, without striking they will collapse on their own, there is no need to labor the troops.” Some wished to then cut down Shàngguī’s left and right growing wheat to deny the enemy of food. The Wèi Emperor Cáo Ruì did not follow this. Beginning to end he sent troops to increase Sīmǎ Yì’s army, and also ordered to have them protect the wheat. Sīmǎ Yì was locked together with Zhūgě Liàng, relying on the wheat for army provisions.30
At the time, Lǒngyòu was without grain, and commentators suggested greatly transporting from Guānzhōng. Guō Huái had authority and grace in succoring and going among the Qiāng and Hú, their families sent out grain, collecting their donations, the army provisions were enough for use. Guō Huái was transferred to Raising Warfare General.31
Previously, every time Qiāng and Hú came to surrender, Guō Huái at once in advance sent someone to investigate their kin and neighbors, sons and daughters many or few, years of age grown or young. At the meeting, in order he knew their particulars, his inquiries completely thorough, and all called him divine intelligence.32
Sīmǎ Yì had Fèi Yào and Dài Líng remain with elite troops of four thousand to defend Shàngguī, and the remaining multitudes all set out going west to rescue Qíshān.
Zhāng Hé wished to divide troops to station Yōng and Méi. Sīmǎ Yì said: “If the front army is able to alone match them, General your words would be correct. If it is unable to match and divided into front and rear, this is how Chǔ’s three armies were captured by Qíng Bù.” Therefore he advanced.
Zhūgě Liàng divided troops to remain to attack Qíshān, and personally opposed Sīmǎ Yì at Shàngguī. Guō Huái, Fèi Yào and others encountered Zhūgě Liàng, Zhūgě Liàng defeated them, and therefore greatly harvested their wheat, and encountered Sīmǎ Yì to Shàngguī’s east. Holding back troops in accordance to rugged terrain, the armies could not engage one another. Zhūgě Liàng withdrew back. Sīmǎ Yì followed Zhūgě Liàng to Lǔchéng. Zhāng Hé said: “They have come from afar to oppose us, sought battle and did not obtain it. This is to say our advantage is in not battling, and we should use a long-term plan to restrict them. Moreover, Qíshān knows the main army is nearby and their confidence will solidify. We can stop and garrison here, divide out surprise troops to show we will set out against their rear. It is not appropriate to advance and yet not dare pressure them, it will fail the people’s expectations. Now [Zhūgĕ] Liàng reveals that his army provisions are few, and also will leave.”
Sīmǎ Yì did not listen, and therefore followed after Zhūgě Liàng. On arriving, he also ascended mountain and dug camps, not agreeing to battle. Officers Jiǎ Xǔ and Wèi Píng repeatedly requested to battle, and therefore said to Sīmǎ Yì: “Your Excellency fears Shǔ like a tiger, how can Heaven’s Under but laugh?” Sīmǎ Yì resented this. The various officers all requested to battle.
Fifth Moon in Wèi [June 18 - July 16], Xīnsì [June 27], Sīmǎ Yì thus sent Zhāng Hé to attack Wúdāng Supervisor Hé Píng (Wáng Píng) at the southern barricades, and personally went on the center road toward Zhūgě Liàng. Zhūgě Liàng sent Wèi Yán, Gāo Xiáng, and Wú Bān to go resist, greatly defeating Sīmǎ Yì, capturing shell armor of three thousand, dark armor of five thousand, horn crossbows of three thousand one hundred. Sīmǎ Yì returned to defend his camp.33
While Zhūgě Liàng besieged Qíshān, Wáng Píng defended the southern barricades. Wèi’s General-in-Chief Sīmǎ Yì attacked Zhūgě Liàng, Zhāng Hé attacked Wáng Píng. Wáng Píng firmly defended and did not move, Zhāng Hé could not overcome him.34
Sixth Moon in Shǔ [July 17 - August 15], Zhūgě Liàng’s provisions were exhausted and he withdrew the army.35
The previous year, Lǐ Yán had changed his name to Lǐ Píng.36 When Zhūgě Liàng led the army to Qíshān, Lǐ Píng commanded supply transport affairs. During the summer, it happened to continuously rain, provisions transports could not be connected, Lǐ Píng sent Advisor to the Army Hú Zhōng and Commander to the Army Chéng Fān to call Zhūgě Liàng to return, and Zhūgě Liáng thus retreated the army.
Lǐ Píng heard the army was retreating, and so further pretended to be alarmed, saying: “The army provisions are sufficient, why is it then retreating?” He wished to to by this disassociate himself from the blame of not managing supplies, and feign it was Zhūgě Liàng’s fault for not advancing. He also memorialized to the Shǔ ruler Liú Shàn saying: “The army is feigning retreat, wishing to entice the rebels into battle.”37
When Zhūgě Liàng’s army retreated, Sīmǎ Yì sent Zhāng Hé to pursue them. Zhāng Hé said: “In military principles, an encircled city should open an escape road, a returning army should not be pursued.” Sīmǎ Yì did not listen. Zhāng Hé could not be go and therefore advanced.38
Zhāng Hé pursued reaching to Mùmén, with Zhūgě Liàng engaging in battle. The Shǔ army climbed high and spread out, firing bows and crossbows chaotically, a stray arrow struck Zhāng Hé’s right thigh, and he died. Posthumous name Marquess Zhuàng “Strong.” His son Zhāng Xióng succeeded.39
Zhāng Hé understood changing calculations, excelled in positioning camps and battle lines, in anticipating battle momentum and terrain, none was not as he planned. From Zhūgě Liàng on down, all feared him. Though Zhāng Hé was a military officer yet he loved and delighted in classicist scholars, once recommending his same village’s Bēi Zhàn as understanding the classics and cultivated in conduct. Imperial Order said: “In the past Zhài Zūn was an officer, memorialized to install Five Classics Grandees, and in the army with various scholars sang songs and threw darts. Now you General outside lead weapons and regiments, inside remember the State and Court. We commend the General’s intentions, and now select [Bēi] Zhàn to be an Academic Scholar.”40
Zhāng Hé from beginning to end had campaigned and had achievements, the Emperor Cáo Ruì divided Zhāng Hé’s fief to enfeoff four of Zhāng Hé’s sons as Ranked Marquesses and bestow on the youngest son noble rank as a Within the Passes Marquess.41
Chén Shòu’s Appraisal of Zhāng Liáo, Yuè Jìn, Yú Jīn, Zhāng Hé, and Xǔ Huáng states: Tàizǔ [Cáo Cāo] established martial achievement, but of that time’s excellent officers, these five were the foremost. Yú Jīn was most famed for steadfast resolution, however he could not succeed to the end. Zhāng Hé for opportune changes was praised, Yuè Jìn for valiant decisiveness had prominent fame, but reflecting on their conduct and affairs, there is no complementary report. Perhaps the notes and records have omissions, and are not as detailed and comprehensive as for Zhāng Liáo and Xú Huǎng.42
Autumn, Seventh Moon in Wèi [August 16 - September 13], Bǐngzǐ [August 21], as Zhūgě Liàng had retreated and fled, Cáo Ruì gave enfeoffment and noble rank and increases in ranks each on individual basis.43
Yǐyǒu [August 30], the Imperial son Cáo Yīn was born. Great Amnesty.44
When Zhūgě Liàng returned, he produced all the beginning to end hand-written letters and memorials from root to tip, and Lǐ Píng’s violations and mistakes were all made obvious. Lǐ Píng’s excuses and feelings were exhausted, and he admitted his crimes. Therefore, Zhūgě Liàng memorialized against Lǐ Píng, stating: “From since after the Former Emperor [Liú Bèi] passed away, wherever [Lǐ] Píng governed, though there were small benefits, he secured himself and sought fame, without worry for the state’s problems. Your Servant was about to set out north, wished to obtain [Lǐ] Píng’s troops to defend Hànzhōng, [Lǐ] Píng exhaustively criticized back and forth, without intention to come, and instead requested five prefectures to become Bā Province Inspector. Last year Your Servant wished to campaign west, and wished to have [Lǐ] Píng govern and command Hànzhōng, [Lǐ] Píng said Sīmǎ Yì and others were Opening Office to recruit staff. Your Servant knows of [Lǐ] Píng’s lowly sentiments, and wishing to accommodate his pressuring Your Servant for profit, therefore memorialized [Lǐ] Píng’s son [Lǐ] Fēng to command and govern Jiāngzhōu, expanding and honoring his treatment in order to obtain service for a time. [Lǐ] Píng to this day commands and is entrusted with all affairs, the various ministers high and low are all bewildered by Your Servant’s treatment of [Lǐ] Píng being so generous. Exactly because the great affair is not yet settled, the Hàn House in danger, I cut down [Lǐ] Píng’s shortcomings, and none were as commended as him. However I said [Lǐ] Píng’s passions were in glory and profit and nothing more, not expecting [Lǐ] Píng’s heart to be as deranged as this. If the issue is delayed and remains, it will lead to disaster and defeat. It is Your Servant not being quick, speaking more will increase the fault.”45
Eighth Moon in Shǔ [September 14 - October 13], Capital Protector Lǐ Píng was deposed to commoner and exiled to Zǐtóng prefecture.46
Previously, in Tàihé Third Year [228], Cáo Zhí was transferred in fief to Dōng’ē.47 That year, Tàihé Fifth Year, Cáo Zhí sent up memorial requesting to inquire on his surviving relatives, and therefore took advantage to deliver his intentions stating:
“Your Servant has heard that Heaven is praised for its height because there is nothing it does not cover, Earth is praised for its width because there is nothing it does not carry, Sun and Moon are praised for their brilliance because there is nothing they do not illuminate, the Rivers and Seas praised for their greatness because there is nothing they do not tolerate. Therefore Kǒng-zǐ said: ‘Great was Yáo as a lord! Only Heaven is great, only Yáo imitated it!’ Heaven’s virtue to all things can be said to be its liberal spread. Overall Yáo in his instructions were first to kin and later to the distant, from the near reaching to the far. Thus the Zhuàn states: ‘Achieving enlightenment heigtening virtue, by closeness [organizing] nine clans, nine clans once harmonious, pacifying and ordering the hundred surnames.’ Reaching to Zhōu’s King Wén also raising his transformation, thus the Shī states: ‘Punishments on his wife, reaching to his brothers, to regulate family and country.’ Therefore harmony and revererance, the Fēng man sang of it. In the past Zhōugōng lamented that Guǎn and Cài were not harmonious, widely enfeoffed closest kin to be vassal screens for the Ruling House. The Zhuàn states: ‘In the pledges of Zhōu’s clan, different surnames are at the rear.’ Truly the kindness toward bone and flesh was clear and not abandoned, the meaning of being close with kin was true in sincere firmness. There has never been righteousness that yet put their lord last, or benevolence that yet abandoned their kin.
“In prostration considering Your Majesty is endowed with the virtue of Emperor Táng’s venerable enlightenment and embodies the benevolence of King Wén’s cautious prudence, kindness permeating the Spice Rooms, grace shining on the Nine Clans, the various lords and hundred offices, in turn resting and in sequence rising, maintaining governance without failing in public courts, the feelings of subordinates able to be laid out in private houses, the roads for managing kin connected, the feelings for celebration or lamentation spread out, truly one that can be called one who forgives to govern people, pushing forward kindness and conferring grace. As for Your Servant, my human relations are cut off, confined and imprisoned in an enlightened time, Your Servant humbly am myself pained, not daring to excessively hope to interact with kindred, cultivate human affairs, organize human relationships. Advancing, my marriage relations are not connected, my brothers are cut off, inquiries on good or bad fortune are obstructed, rituals for celebration or lamentation are abandoned, the separation in relationship order is more extreme than to passing strangers, the discrimination in estrangement more severe than to the Hú and Yuè. Now Your Servant because of singly decisive regulations forever is without hope for Court audience, as for pouring heart for the Imperial utmost, binding feeling with the purple doors, only the divine intelligence knows. However Heaven truly makes it so, what is to be said? Withdrawing, the various kings always have hearts sorrowful and distressed for their brothers, may Your Majesty generously bequeath Imperial Order, to allow the various states send congratulations and inquiries, in the four seasons able to be exhibited, to sequence the joys and feelings of bone and flesh, preseve the sincere relationships of pleased harmony, and for the families of consorts and concubines, the remainders of ointment soaps to yearly be able to twice connect, identical in relationship to the noble clans, equal in kindness to the hundred officials, if it is like this, then the sighs of the ancients and songs of refinement would again be present in a sagely era.
“Your Servant in prostration examines myself as without the use of pick or knife, but when observing those Your Majesty has selected and appointed, if Your Servant were of a different surname, I humbly assess myself to not be behind the Court servicemen. If I were able to take leave to distantly travel, wear a military [lower ranking officer’s] cap, untie vermilion sash [of a King] and girdle a blue ribbon [of a military officer], interested in obtaining a rank as a Side Horse or Serving Chariots [Commandant], housed in the capital residances, wielding whip or ringed pen, going out accompany the imperial canopy, entering attending the carriage wheel, serving and answering sagely inquiries, correcting omissions in the Left and Right, then that is the Your Servant’s red sincerity’s utmost wish, not leaving it even in my dreams. Distantly admiring the Lùmíng’s ‘feast of lord and ministers,’ in the middle singing the Chángdì’s ‘no other’ commandment, below pondering the meaning of the Fámù’s ‘friend appears,’ in the end embracing the sorrow of the Lù’é’s ‘no limits,’ at every gathering in the four seasons, I am isolated and alone, Left and Right are only servants and scribes, those facing me only wives and children. High discussions have none to explain to, developing meanings have none to lay out, never once have I not heard music and patted heart, facing goblet and sighing. Your Servant in prostration believes dogs and horses truly are not able to move men, like men truly are not able to move Heaven. Collapsing city walls and falling frost, Your Servant previously believed in them, but with the situation of Your Servant’s heart, they were only false and empty stories. If sunflowers turns its leaves, even though the sun does not turn its light for them, yet the facing is sincere. I humbly compare myself to a sunflower. As for sending down the gifts of Heaven and Earth, bequeathing the brilliance of the Three Lights, truly that is Your Majesty.
“Your Servant has heard that Wén-zǐ said: ‘Do not be the start of fortune, do not be the first of calamity.’ In the present separations, my brothers are the same in sorrow, but Your Servant alone speaks out, as I humbly am not willing for a sagely era to allow some to not be covered in its distributions. If there are some not covered in its distributions, there will certainly be the appearance of the wretched and vicious, and therefore the Bǎizhōu has the resentment of ‘Heaven only’ and the Gǔfēng has the sigh of ‘abandoned me.’ Therefore Yī Yǐn was shamed that his lord did not act as Yáo and Shùn, Mèng-zǐ said: ‘One who does not serve his lord like Shùn served Yáo is one not respectful to his lord.’ With Your Servant’s foolish ignorance, assuredly I am not Yú or Yī, but as for wishing to have Your Majesty esteem the beauty of radiant cover and harmonious beauty, spread the virtue of fine prosperity and glorious enlightenment, that is Your Servant’s diligent sincerity, that I humbly alone maintain, truly is to harbor the heart of the crane standing in anticipation. That I dare further explain and be heard, is to hope Your Majesty will unexpectedly give heavenly hearing and bequeath divine listening.”48
Imperial Order reply said: “Overall the ways of instruction and transformation each have their expansion and detriment, it is not that all have good beginnings and bad ends, it is situations that make it so. Therefore, when loyal and generous benevolence reaches to the grass and tress, then Xíngwěi ode is composed, when kindness and favor wanes and weakens, not intimate with the Nine Clans, then Jiǎogōng verse criticizes. Now with regard to the various states and brothers, the emotion and management is lax and remiss, the families of the consorts and concubines in ointment soaps are neglected, We carelessly were not able to be sincere and harmonize this, the King cited the meanings of ancient metaphors to inform on all, what words of sincerity are not enough to emotionally move and communicate? Making clear the noble and lowly, honoring being close with kin, respecting the worthy and good, compliant to youth and grown, the network principles of the state. Originally there was no Imperial Order forbidding communication and inquiries between the various states. It was only that over-correcting the bent exceeded the straight, subordinate officials feared reprimand, and so it reached to this. I have already commanded the relevant managers by what the King had complained.”49
Eighth Moon in Wèi [September 14 - October 13], Imperial Order said: “In ancient times, the various marquesses attended Court in order to promote friendliness and closeness and harmony with all states. That the Former Emperor [Cáo Pī] wrote order not wishing to have the various Kings in the capital, was to speak of if a young ruler was on the throne, the mother dowager acting out governance, and guard against the small using this to subvert; it was with regard to general rise and decline. We have not met the various Kings for ten and two years, thinking of this distance, can it not raise thoughts? Thus order the various Kings and Imperial Clan Dukes and Marquesses to each bring a principal son of one person to Court. Later if there is a young ruler and mother dowager in the Palace, it is to be like in the Former Emperor’s order, clearly made known in this order.”50
Previously, Wú’s Internal Cadet General Sūn Bù feigned surrender to entice Wèi officer Wáng Líng.51 Sūn Bù sent someone to Yáng Province to request to surrender, the statement saying: “The road is far and I cannot deliver myself, and request troops to meet and welcome.” Yáng Province Inspector Wáng Líng widely spread the letter, and requested troops and horses to welcome him.52
Wáng Líng appellation Yànyún was a Tàiyuán Qí man. His father’s younger brother Wáng Yǔn had been Hàn’s Excellency over the Masses and executed Dǒng Zhuó. Dǒng Zhuó’s officers Lǐ Jué and Guō Sì and others took revenge for Dǒng Zhuó, entering Cháng’ān, killing Wáng Yǔn, and completely harming his family. Wáng Líng and his elder brother Wáng Chén at the time were both young, climbed over the city walls to escape, fleeing in exile back to their hometown. Wáng Líng was recommended as a Filial and Incorruptible candidate, became Fā’gàn Chief, gradually promoted to reach Zhōngshān Administrator, wherever he was he had governance, and Cáo Cāo recruited him as an Assistant Chancellor’s staff official and associate.53 When Cáo Pī ascended as Emperor, Wáng Líng was a Cavalier Regular Attendant, later sent out as Yǎn Province Inspector. He accompanied Zhāng Liáo and others to Guǎnglíng in the campaign against Sūn Quán [in 222], and participated in the killing of soldiers and capturing of boats when Wú officer Lǚ Fàn’s ships were blown over the Jiāng, having achievements. Later he was transferred to Qīng Province. At the time due to the previous chaos, the seaside’s laws were not yet orderly. Wáng Líng spread governance and teachings, rewarding the good and punishing the bad, extremely having order, and the Hundred Surnames praised him. Later he accompanied Cáo Xiū’s campaign against Wú [in 228], Cáo Xiū’s army was unsuccessful, Wáng Líng fiercely battled to break the encirclement, and Cáo Xiū was able to escape the trouble.54
Mǎn Chǒng believed Sūn Bù’s surrender was certainly a trick, and would not give troops. His reply letter to Wáng Líng said in part: “Now you wish to send troops to welcome one another. However if the count of troops is few, then it is not enough to guard against each other, and if many, then the affair will certainly be heard of from afar.” It happened that letter summoned Mǎn Chǒng to Court, and Mǎn Chǒng ordered his Remaining Office Chief Clerk: “If [Wáng] Líng wishes to go welcome, do not give him troops.” Wáng Líng after this requested troops and did not obtain them, and so only sent one commander to lead infantry and cavalry of seven hundred men to go welcome. Sūn Bù in the night surprise attacked, the commander fled, the dead and wounded were over half.55
Winter, Tenth Moon in Wú [November 12 - December 11], Sūn Quán with a large army set secret ambush at Fúlíng to wait for Wáng Líng, Wáng Líng discovered it and fled. Kuàijī’s Nánshǐpíng reported the growth of Auspicious Grain.56
Previously, Mǎn Chǒng and Wáng Líng in working together were not at peace. Wáng Líng’s faction associates slandered Mǎn Chǒng as old and confused, and therefore Cáo Ruì summoned him.57 Wáng Líng had memorialized that Mǎn Chǒng’s age was excessive and he indulged in liquor, and could not occupy a regional appointment. When Wèi Emperor Cáo Ruì was about to summon Mǎn Chǒng, Dispensing Affairs Internal Guō Móu said: “[Mǎn] Chǒng has been Rǔnán Administrator and Yù Province Inspector for over twenty years, having accomplishments in the provinces. When he defended Huáinán, the Wú men feared him. If it is not as memorialized, they will see an opening. He can be ordered to return to Court, asked about his region’s affairs to investigate him.” The Emperor followed this. Mǎn Chǒng arrived, advanced to meet, drank liquor reaching to one dàn without becoming confused. The Emperor showed appreciations and sent him back.58 Mǎn Chǒng repeatedly memorialized request to stay. Imperial Order reply said: “In the past Lián Pō had strong appetite, Mǎ Yuán occupied saddle. Now you are not yet old and yet call yourself already old. Why be contrary to Lián [Pō] and Mǎ [Yuán]? Thus consider and secure the borders, as a kindness to these central states.”59
During the Warring States, Lián Pō had lived in Liáng for a long time, but Wèi did not trust or employ him. Zhào had repeatedly been hard-pressed by Qín troops, Zhào King Sī again remembered Lián Pō, Lián Pō also thought of again being employed by Zhào. The Zhào King sent envoy to see if Lián Pō still could be employed or not. Lián Pō’s enemy Guō Kāi gave the envoy much gold to slander him. The Zhào envoy met Lián Pō, Lián Pō in one meal ate one dǒu of rice and ten jīn of meat, wore armor and mounted horse, to show he could still be employed. The Zhào envoy returned and reported to the king: “Though General Lián is old, he still enjoys eating. However, while seated with Your Servant, in a short timespan he had to go defecate three times.” The Zhào King thus believed him old and did not summon him.60
During Later Hàn, in Jiànwǔ Twenty-Fourth Year [48], Martial Authority General Liú Shàng struck Wǔlíng’s Wǔxī Mányí, deeply penetrated, the army was lost. Mǎ Yuán therefore again requested to go. At the time his years were sixty-two, the Hàn Emperor Liú Xiù pitied his age, and would not yet permit it. Mǎ Yuán personally pleaded saying: “Your Servant still is able to wear armor and mount horse.” The Emperor ordered to test him. Mǎ Yuán occupied a saddle and turned his head to look back, to show he could be employed. The Emperor Liú Xiù laughed and said: “So hale and hearty you are, old sir!”61
Tenth Moon in Shǔ [November 13 - December 11], from Jiāngyáng to Jiāngzhōu there were birds from the Jiāng’s south flying to cross to the Jiāng’s north, they could not reach, those falling into the river and dying were in the thousands.62
Eleventh Moon in Wèi [December 12 - 232 January 10], Yǐyǒu [December 28], the Moon crossed Xuānyuán constellation. Wùxū last day of the moon [January 10], the sun was eclipsed.63
Twelfth Moon in Wèi [232 January 11 - February 8], Jiǎchén [232 January 16], the Moon crossed Zhènxīng [Saturn]. Wùwǔ [232 January 30], Grand Commandant Huà Xīn died.64 Posthumous name Marquess Jìng “Vigilant.” His son Huà Biǎo succeeded.65 At the time Huà Xīn’s years were seventy-five.66
Day and night respectfully serving is called Jìng.67
Previously, Zhōng Yáo had been Grand Commandant, Huà Xīn had been Excellency over the Masses, Wáng Lǎng had been Excellency of Works. Once after Court, the Emperor Cáo Pī said to his Left and Right: “These Three Excellencies are thus the eminent men of a generation. Later eras will surely have difficulty following after them.”68 Zhōng Yáo had died in Tàihé Fourth Year [230],69 Wáng Lǎng in Tàihé Second Year [228].70
Chén Shòu’s Appraisal states: Zhōng Yáo was open-minded and understanding, capable in judgement; Huà Xīn was pure and incorruptible in virtue and conduct; Wáng Lǎng widely cultured and wealthy in talent; truly all were the eminent and great of an era. The Wèi dynasty just began its blessings, at the origin raising these Three Excellencies, how magnificent!71
Twelfth Moon in Wú [232 January 10 - February 8], Dīngmǎo [February 8], Great Amnesty, changed the Next Year’s Inaugural Year Name to Jiāhé “Auspicious Grain.”72
That winter in Wèi, there was an Imperial Order for the Kings to attend Court next year, Sixth Year Standard Moon.73
Earlier that year, Cáo Zhí sent up a memorial explaining the meanings of investigating promotions, saying in part: “More recently, the Hàn clan extensively established vassal kings, the wealthiest then joined cities of several thens, the poorest then they gave sacrifices to ancestors and nothing more, not like Jī Zhōu in cultiviating states, using the Five Ranks system to regulate them. Fúsū’s remonstration of Shǐ Huáng and Chúnyú Yuè’s criticism of Zhōu Qīngchén can be said to have understanding of seasonal changes. The ability to cause Heaven’s Under to turn ears and direct eyes, is the one holding power, and therefore their plans are able to overture rulers, their authority able to intimidate subordinates. A dominant family taking control of the government is not only your kin and family. In the locations of power, though one be unrelated they are certain to be valued. In the departure of influence, though one be of close kin they are certain to be insignificant. Overall the ones who took Qí were the Tián clan, not the Lǚ clan. The ones who divided Jìn were the Zhào and the Wèi, not the Jī surname. May Your Majesty examine this. Those whose who monpololize positions in good fortune and flee from danger in bad fortune, are ministers of different surnames. Those who desire the states’s security, pray for the honor of your family, survive together in glory, perish together in calamity, are ministers of the ruling clan. Now instead the ruling clan is distanced and the different surnamed are close, Your Servant is bewildered by this.”
The Emperor at once sent a praising letter in reply.74
After that, there was a great mobilization of soldiers, reaching to taking soldiers from the various fief states. Cáo Zhí believed that as recently there had previously been the various fief state soldiers already meeting with mobilization, the left behind orphans were young and weak, those present were very few and yet further being taken, and so sent up letter. All were therefore sent back.75
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》五年春正月，帝耕于籍田。
《陳壽·魏志九·曹真傳》真每征行，與將士同勞苦，軍賞不足，輒以家財班賜，士卒皆願為用。真病還洛陽，帝自幸其第省疾。
《陳壽·蜀志三·後主傳》九年春二月，亮復出軍圍祁山，始以木牛運。
裴松之注《陳壽·蜀志五·諸葛亮傳》亮集載作木牛流馬法曰：「木牛者，方腹曲頭，一腳四足，頭入領中，舌著於腹。載多而行少，宜可大用，不可小使；特行者數十里，群行者二十里也。曲者為牛頭，雙者為牛腳，橫者為牛領，轉者為牛足，覆者為牛背，方者為牛腹，垂者為牛舌，曲者為牛肋，刻者為牛齒，立者為牛角，細者為牛鞅，攝者為牛鞦軸。牛仰雙轅，人行六尺，牛行四步。載一歲糧，日行二十里，而人不大勞。」
裴松之注《陳壽·蜀志五·諸葛亮傳》漢晉春秋曰：亮圍祁山，招鮮卑軻比能，比能等至故北地石城以應亮。於是魏大司馬曹真有疾，司馬宣王自荊州入朝，魏明帝曰：「西方事重，非君莫可付者。」
《房玄龄·晉書一·宣帝紀》明年，諸葛亮寇天水，圍將軍賈嗣、魏平於祁山。天子曰：「西方有事，非君莫可付者。」乃使帝西屯長安，都督雍、梁二州諸軍事，統車騎將軍張郃、後將軍費曜、征蜀護軍戴淩、雍州刺史郭淮等討亮。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·牽招傳》招以蜀虜諸葛亮數出，而比能狡猾，能相交通，表為防備，議者以為縣遠，未之信也。會亮時在祁山，果遣使連結比能。比能至故北地石城，與相首尾。帝乃詔招，使從便宜討之。時比能已還漠南，招與刺史畢軌議曰：「胡虜遷徙無常。若勞師遠追，則遲速不相及。若欲潛襲，則山溪艱險，資糧轉運，難以密辦。可使守新興、雁門二牙門，出屯陘北，外以鎮撫，內令兵田，儲畜資糧，秋冬馬肥，州郡兵合，乘釁征討，計必全克。未及施行，會病卒。招在郡十二年，威風遠振。其治邊之稱，次于田豫，百姓追思之。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·牽招傳》招子嘉嗣。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·牽招傳》而漁陽傅容在雁門有名績，繼招後，在遼東又有事功云。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·滿田牽郭傳》評曰：滿寵立志剛毅，勇而有謀。田豫居身清白，規略明練。牽招秉義壯烈，威績顯著。郭淮方策精詳，垂問秦、雍。而豫位止小州，招終於郡守，未盡其用也。
《陳壽·吳志二·吳主傳》三年春二月，遣太常潘濬率眾五萬討武陵蠻夷。衛溫、諸葛直皆以違詔無功，下獄誅。
《陳壽·吳志十五·全琮傳》初，權將圍珠崖及夷州，皆先問琮，琮曰：「以聖朝之威，何向而不克？然殊方異域，隔絕障海，水土氣毒，自古有之，兵入民出，必生疾病，轉相污染，往者懼不能反，所獲何可多致？猥虧江岸之兵，以冀萬一之利，愚臣猶所不安。」權不聽。軍行經歲，士眾疾疫死者十有八九，權深悔之。後言次及之，琮對曰：「當是時，群臣有不諫者，臣以為不忠。」
《陳壽·吳志十六·潘濬傳》權稱尊號，拜為少府，進封劉陽侯，遷太常。
《陳壽·吳志十六·潘濬傳》江表傳曰：權數射雉，濬諫權，權曰：「相與別後，時時蹔出耳，不復如往日之時也。」濬曰：「天下未定，萬機務多，射雉非急，弦絕括破，皆能為害，乞特為臣故息置之。」濬出，見雉翳故在，乃手自撤壞之。權由是自絕，不復射雉。
《陳壽·吳志十六·潘濬傳》五谿蠻夷叛亂盤結，權假濬節，督諸軍討之。
《陳壽·吳志十五·呂岱傳》黃龍三年，以南土清定，召岱還屯長沙漚口。會武陵蠻夷蠢動，岱與太常潘濬共討定之。
裴松之注《陳壽·吳志十五·呂岱傳》王隱交廣記曰：吳後復置廣州，以南陽滕脩為刺史。或語脩蝦鬚長一丈，脩不信，其人後故至東海，取蝦鬚長四丈四尺，封以示脩，脩乃服之
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》三月，大司馬曹真薨。
《陳壽·魏志九·曹真傳》真薨，諡曰元侯。子爽嗣。
《逸周書·謚法》行義說民曰元。
《陳壽·魏志九·曹真傳》初，文帝分真邑二百戶，封真弟彬為列侯。
《陳壽·魏志九·曹真傳》真少與宗人曹遵、鄉人朱讚並事太祖。遵、讚早亡，真愍之，乞分所食邑封遵、讚子。詔曰：「大司馬有叔向撫孤之仁，篤晏平久要之分。君子成人之美，聽分真邑賜遵、讚子爵關內侯，各百戶。」
《陳壽·魏志九·曹真傳》帝追思真功，詔曰：「大司馬蹈履忠節，佐命二祖，內不恃親戚之寵，外不驕白屋之士，可謂能持盈守位，勞謙其德者也。其悉封真五子羲、訓、則、彥、皚皆為列侯。」
《國語·晉語八》叔向見司馬侯之子，撫而泣之
《論語·公冶長》子曰：「晏平仲善與人交，久而敬之。」
《易·謙》九三：勞謙，君子有終，吉。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》三月，大司馬曹真薨。諸葛亮寇天水，詔大將軍司馬宣王拒之。自去冬十月至此月不雨，辛巳，大雩。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》夏四月，鮮卑附義王軻比能率其種人及丁零大人兒禪詣幽州貢名馬。復置護匈奴中郎將。
《陳壽·吳志二·吳主傳》夏，有野蠶成繭，大如卵。由拳野稻自生，改為禾興縣。
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》魏書曰：初，亮出，議者以為亮軍無輜重，糧必不繼，不擊自破，無為勞兵；或欲自芟上邽左右生麥以奪賊食，帝皆不從。前後遣兵增宣王軍，又敕使護麥。宣王與亮相持，賴得此麥以為軍糧。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·郭淮傳》五年，蜀出鹵城。是時，隴右無穀，議欲關中大運，淮以威恩撫循羌、胡，家使出穀，平其輸調，軍食用足，轉揚武將軍。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·郭淮傳》每羌、胡來降，淮輒先使人推問其親理，男女多少，年歲長幼；及見，一二知其款曲，訊問周至，咸稱神明。
裴松之注《陳壽·蜀志五·諸葛亮傳》漢晉春秋曰：亮圍祁山，招鮮卑軻比能，比能等至故北地石城以應亮。於是魏大司馬曹真有疾，司馬宣王自荊州入朝，魏明帝曰：「西方事重，非君莫可付者。」乃使西屯長安，督張郃、費曜、戴陵、郭淮等。宣王使曜、陵留精兵四千守上邽，餘眾悉出，西救祁山。郃欲分兵駐雍、郿，宣王曰：「料前軍能獨當之者，將軍言是也；若不能當而分為前後，此楚之三軍所以為黥布禽也。」遂進。亮分兵留攻，自逆宣王于上邽。郭淮、費曜等徼亮，亮破之，因大芟刈其麥，與宣王遇于上邽之東，斂兵依險，軍不得交，亮引而還。宣王尋亮至于鹵城。張郃曰：「彼遠來逆我，請戰不得，謂我利在不戰，欲以長計制之也。且祁山知大軍以在近，人情自固，可止屯於此，分為奇兵，示出其後，不宜進前而不敢偪，坐失民望也。今亮縣軍食少，亦行去矣。」宣王不從，故尋亮。既至，又登山掘營，不肯戰。賈栩、魏平數請戰，因曰：「公畏蜀如虎，奈天下笑何！」宣王病之。諸將咸請戰。五月辛巳，乃使張郃攻無當監何平於南圍，自案中道向亮。亮使魏延、高翔、吳班赴拒，大破之，獲甲首三千級，玄鎧五千領，角弩三千一百張，宣王還保營。
《陳壽·蜀志十三·王平傳》九年，亮圍祁山，平別守南圍。魏大將軍司馬宣王攻亮，張郃攻平，平堅守不動，郃不能克。
《陳壽·蜀志三·後主傳》夏六月，亮糧盡過軍，郃追至青封，與亮交戰，被箭死。
《陳壽·蜀志十·李嚴傳》亮以明年當出軍，命嚴以中都護署府事。嚴改名為平。
《陳壽·蜀志十·李嚴傳》九年春，亮軍祁山，平催督運事。秋夏之際，值天霖雨，運糧不繼，平遣參軍狐忠、督軍成藩喻指，呼亮來還；亮承以退軍。平聞軍退，乃更陽驚，說「軍糧饒足，何以便歸」！欲以解己不辦之責，顯亮不進之愆也。又表後主，說「軍偽退，欲以誘賊與戰」。
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志十七·張郃傳》魏略曰：亮軍退，司馬宣王使郃追之，郃曰：「軍法，圍城必開出路，歸軍勿追。」宣王不聽。郃不得已，遂進。蜀軍乘高布伏，弓弩亂發，矢中郃髀。
《陳壽·魏志十七·張郃傳》郃追至木門，與亮軍交戰，飛矢中郃右膝，薨，諡曰壯侯。子雄嗣。
《陳壽·魏志十七·張郃傳》郃識變數，善處營陳，料戰勢地形，無不如計，自諸葛亮皆憚之。郃雖武將而愛樂儒士，嘗薦同鄉卑湛經明行修，詔曰：「昔祭遵為將，奏置五經大夫，居軍中，與諸生雅歌投壺。今將軍外勒戎旅，內存國朝。朕嘉將軍之意，今擢湛為博士。」
《陳壽·魏志十七·張郃傳》郃前後征伐有功，明帝分郃戶，封郃四子列侯。賜小子爵關內侯。
《陳壽·魏志十七·張樂于張徐傳》評曰：太祖建茲武功，而時之良將，五子為先。于禁最號毅重，然弗克其終。張郃以巧變為稱，樂進以驍果顯名，而鑒其行事，未副所聞。或注記有遺漏，未如張遼、徐晃之備詳也。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》秋七月丙子，以亮退走，封爵增位各有差。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》乙酉，皇子殷生，大赦。
《陳壽·蜀志十·李嚴傳》亮具出其前後手筆書疏本末，平違錯章灼。平辭窮情竭，首謝罪負。於是亮表平曰：「自先帝崩後，平所在治家，尚為小惠，安身求名，無憂國之事。臣當北出，欲得平兵以鎮漢中，平窮難縱橫，無有來意，而求以五郡為巴州刺史。去年臣欲西征，欲令平主督漢中，平說司馬懿等開府辟召。臣知平鄙情，欲因行之際偪臣取利也，是以表平子豐督主江州，隆崇其遇，以取一時之務。平至之日，都委諸事，群臣上下皆怪臣待平之厚也。正以大事未定，漢室傾危，伐平之短，莫若褒之。然謂平情在於榮利而已，不意平心顛倒乃爾。若事稽留，將致禍敗，是臣不敏，言多增咎。」乃廢平為民，徙梓潼郡。
《陳壽·蜀志三·後主傳》秋八月，都護李平廢徙梓潼郡。
《陳壽·魏志十九·陳思王植傳》三年，徙封東阿。
《陳壽·魏志十九·陳思王植傳》五年，復上疏求存問親戚，因致其意曰：臣聞天稱其高者，以無不覆；地稱其廣者，以無不載；日月稱其明者，以無不照；江海稱其大者，以無不容。故孔子曰：「大哉堯之為君！惟天為大，惟堯則之。」夫天德之於萬物，可謂弘廣矣。蓋堯之為教，先親後疏，自近及遠。其傳曰：「克明峻德，以親九族；九族既睦，平章百姓。」及周之文王亦崇厥化，其詩曰：「刑于寡妻，至于兄弟，以御于家邦。」是以雍雍穆穆。風人詠之。昔周公弔管、蔡之不咸，廣封懿親以藩屏王室，傳曰：「周之宗盟，異姓為後。」誠骨肉之恩爽而不離，親親之義實在敦固，未有義而後其君，仁而遺其親者也。伏惟陛下資帝唐欽明之德，體文王翼翼之仁，惠洽椒房，恩昭九族，群后百寮，番休遞上，執政不廢於公朝，下情得展於私室，親理之路通，慶弔之情展，誠可謂恕己治人，推惠施恩者矣。至於臣者，人道絕緒，禁錮明時，臣竊自傷也。不敢過望交氣類，脩人事，敘人倫。近且婚媾不通，兄弟乖絕，吉凶之問塞，慶弔之禮廢，恩紀之違，甚於路人，隔閡之異，殊於胡越。今臣以一切之制，永無朝覲之望，至於注心皇極，結情紫闥，神明知之矣。然天實為之，謂之何哉！退唯諸王常有戚戚具爾之心，願陛下沛然垂詔，使諸國慶問，四節得展，以敘骨肉之歡恩。全怡怡之篤義。妃妾之家，膏沐之遺，歲得再通，齊義於貴宗，等惠於百司，如此，則古人之所歎，風雅之所詠，復存於聖世矣。臣伏自惟省，無錐刀之用。及觀陛下之所拔授，若以臣為異姓，竊自料度，不後於朝士矣。若得辭遠遊，戴武弁，解朱組，佩青紱，駙馬、奉車，趣得一號，安宅京室，執鞭珥筆，出從華蓋，入侍輦轂，承答聖問，拾遺左右，乃臣丹誠之至願，不離於夢想者也。遠慕鹿鳴君臣之宴，中詠常棣匪他之誡，下思伐木友生之義，終懷蓼莪罔極之哀；每四節之會，塊然獨處，左右惟僕隸，所對惟妻子，高談無所與陳，發義無所與展，未嘗不聞樂而拊心，臨觴而歎息也。臣伏以為犬馬之誠不能動人，譬人之誠不能動天。崩城、隕霜，臣初信之，以臣心況，徒虛語耳。若葵藿之傾葉，太陽雖不為之回光，然向之者誠也。竊自比於葵藿，若降天地之施，垂三光之明者，實在陛下。臣聞文子曰：「不為福始，不為禍先。」今之否隔，友于同憂，而臣獨倡言者，竊不願於聖世使有不蒙施之物。有不蒙施之物，必有慘毒之懷，故柏舟有「天只」之怨，谷風有「棄予」之歎。故伊尹恥其君不為堯舜，孟子曰：「不以舜之所以事堯事其君者，不敬其君者也。」臣之愚蔽，固非虞、伊，至於欲使陛下崇光被時雍之美，宣緝熙章明之德者，是臣慺慺之誠，竊所獨守，實懷鶴立企佇之心。敢復陳聞者，冀陛下儻發天聰而垂神聽也。
《陳壽·魏志十九·陳思王植傳》詔報曰：「蓋教化所由，各有隆弊，非皆善始而惡終也，事使之然。故夫忠厚仁極草木，則行葦之詩作；恩澤衰薄，不親九族，則角弓之章刺。今令諸國兄弟，情理簡怠，妃妾之家，膏沐疏略，朕縱不能敦而睦之，王援古喻義備悉矣，何言精誠不足以感通哉？夫明貴賤，崇親親，禮賢良，順少長，國之綱紀，本無禁固諸國通問之詔也，矯枉過正，下吏懼譴，以至於此耳。已敕有司，如王所訴。」
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》八月，詔曰：「古者諸侯朝聘，所以敦睦親親協和萬國也。先帝著令，不欲使諸王在京都者，謂幼主在位，母后攝政，防微以漸，關諸盛衰也。朕惟不見諸王十有二載，悠悠之懷，能不興思！其令諸王及宗室公侯各將適子一人朝。後有少主、母后在宮者，自如先帝令，申明著于令。」
《陳壽·吳志二·吳主傳》中郎將孫布詐降以誘魏將王淩，淩以軍迎布。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·滿寵傳》其明年，吳將孫布遣人詣揚州求降，辭云：「道遠不能自致，乞兵見迎。」刺史王淩騰布書，請兵馬迎之。
《陳壽·魏志二十八·王淩傳》王淩字彥雲，太原祁人也。叔父允，為漢司徒，誅董卓。卓將李傕、郭汜等為卓報仇，入長安，殺允，盡害其家。淩及兄晨，時年皆少，踰城得脫，亡命歸鄉里。淩舉孝廉，為發干長，稍遷至中山太守，所在有治，太祖辟為丞相掾屬。
《陳壽·魏志二十八·王淩傳》文帝踐阼，拜散騎常侍，出為兗州刺史，與張遼等至廣陵討孫權。臨江，夜大風，吳將呂範等船漂至北岸。淩與諸將逆擊，捕斬首虜，獲舟船，有功，封宜城亭侯，加建武將軍，轉在青州。是時海濱乘喪亂之後，法度未整。淩布政施教，賞善罰惡，甚有綱紀，百姓稱之，不容於口。後從曹休征吳，與賊遇於夾石，休軍失利，淩力戰決圍，休得免難。仍徙為揚、豫州刺史，咸得軍民之歡心。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·滿寵傳》其明年，吳將孫布遣人詣揚州求降，辭云：「道遠不能自致，乞兵見迎。」刺史王淩騰布書，請兵馬迎之。寵以為必詐，不與兵，而為淩作報書曰：「知識邪正，欲避禍就順，去暴歸道，甚相嘉尚。今欲遣兵相迎，然計兵少則不足相衛，多則事必遠聞。且先密計以成本志，臨時節度其宜。」寵會被書當入朝，敕留府長史：「若淩欲往迎，勿與兵也。」淩於後索兵不得，乃單遣一督將步騎七百人往迎之。布夜掩擊，督將迸走，死傷過半。
《陳壽·吳志二·吳主傳》冬十月，權以大兵潛伏於阜陵俟之，淩覺而走。會稽南始平言嘉禾生。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·滿寵傳》初，寵與淩共事不平，淩支黨毀寵疲老悖謬，故明帝召之。
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志二十六·滿寵傳》世語曰：王淩表寵年過耽酒，不可居方任。帝將召寵，給事中郭謀曰：「寵為汝南太守、豫州刺史二十餘年，有勳方岳。及鎮淮南，吳人憚之。若不如所表，將為所闚。可令還朝，問以方事以察之。」帝從之。寵既至，進見，飲酒至一石不亂。帝慰勞之，遣還。
《陳壽·魏志二十六·滿寵傳》既至，體氣康彊，見而遣還。寵屢表求留，詔報曰：「昔廉頗彊食，馬援據鞍，今君未老而自謂已老，何與廉、馬之相背邪？其思安邊境，惠此中國。」
《司馬遷·史記八十一·廉頗傳》廉頗居梁久之，魏不能信用。趙以數困於秦兵，趙王思復得廉頗，廉頗亦思復用於趙。趙王使使者視廉頗尚可用否。廉頗之仇郭開多與使者金，令毀之。趙使者既見廉頗，廉頗為之一飯斗米，肉十斤，被甲上馬，以示尚可用。趙使還報王曰：「廉將軍雖老，尚善飯，然與臣坐，頃之三遺矢矣。」趙王以為老，遂不召。
《范曄·後漢書二十四·馬援傳》二十四年，武威將軍劉尚擊武陵五溪蠻夷，深入，軍沒，援因復請行。時年六十二，帝愍其老，未許之。援自請曰；「臣尚能被甲上馬。」帝令試之。援據鞍顧眄，以示可用。帝笑曰：「矍鑠哉是翁也！」
裴松之注《陳壽·蜀志三·後主傳》漢晉春秋曰：冬十月，江陽至江州有鳥從江南飛渡江北，不能達，墮水死者以千數。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》冬十一月乙酉，月犯軒轅大星。戊戌晦，日有蝕之。
《陳壽·魏志三·明帝紀》十二月甲辰，月犯鎮星。戊午，太尉華歆薨。
《陳壽·魏志十三·華歆傳》太和五年，歆薨，諡曰敬侯。子表嗣。
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志十三·華歆傳》魏書云：歆時年七十五。
《逸周書·謚法》夙夜恭事曰敬。善合法典曰敬。
《陳壽·魏志十三·鍾繇傳》遷太尉，轉封平陽鄉侯。時司徒華歆、司空王朗，並先世名臣。文帝罷朝，謂左右曰：「此三公者，乃一代之偉人也，後世殆難繼矣！」
《陳壽·魏志十三·鍾繇傳》太和四年，繇薨。
《陳壽·魏志十三·王朗傳》太和二年薨，諡曰成侯。
《陳壽·魏志十三·鍾繇華歆王朗傳》評曰：鍾繇開達理幹，華歆清純德素，王朗文博富贍，誠皆一時之俊偉也。魏氏初祚，肇登三司，盛矣夫！
《陳壽·吳志二·吳主傳》十二月丁卯，大赦，改明年元也。
《陳壽·魏志十九·陳思王植傳》其年冬，詔諸王朝六年正月。
《陳壽·魏志十九·陳思王植傳》植復上疏陳審舉之義，曰：臣聞天地協氣而萬物生，君臣合德而庶政成；五帝之世非皆智，三季之末非皆愚，用與不用，知與不知也。既時有舉賢之名，而無得賢之實，必各援其類而進矣。諺曰：「相門有相，將門有將。」夫相者，文德昭者也；將者，武功烈者也。文德昭，則可以匡國朝，致雍熙，稷、契、夔、龍是也；武功烈，則所以征不庭，威四夷，南仲、方叔是矣。昔伊尹之為媵臣，至賤也，呂尚之處屠釣，至陋也，及其見舉於湯武、周文，誠道合志同，玄謨神通，豈復假近習之薦，因左右之介哉。書曰：「有不世之君，必能用不世之臣；用不世之臣，必能立不世之功。」殷周二王是矣。若夫齷齪近步，遵常守故，安足為陛下言哉？故陰陽不和，三光不暢，官曠無人，庶政不整者，三司之責也。疆埸騷動，方隅內侵，沒軍喪眾，干戈不息者，邊將之憂也。豈可虛荷國寵而不稱其任哉？故任益隆者負益重，位益高者責益深，書稱「無曠庶官」，詩有「職思其憂」，此其義也。陛下體天真之淑聖，登神機以繼統，冀聞康哉之謌，偃武行文之美。而數年以來，水旱不時，民困衣食，師徒之發，歲歲增調，加東有覆敗之軍，西有殪沒之將，至使蚌蛤浮翔於淮、泗，鼲鼬讙譁於林木。臣每念之，未嘗不輟食而揮餐，臨觴而搤腕矣。昔漢文發代，疑朝有變，宋昌曰：「內有朱虛、東牟之親，外有齊、楚、淮南、琅邪，此則磐石之宗，願王勿疑。」臣伏惟陛下遠覽姬文二虢之援，中慮周成召、畢之輔，下存宋昌磐石之固。昔騏驥之於吳阪，可謂困矣，及其伯樂相之，孫郵御之，形體不勞而坐取千里。蓋伯樂善御馬，明君善御臣；伯樂馳千里，明君致太平；誠任賢使能之明效也。若朝司惟良，萬機內理，武將行師，方難克弭。陛下可得雍容都城，何事勞動鑾駕，暴露於邊境哉？臣聞羊質虎皮，見草則悅，見豺則戰，忘其皮之虎也。今置將不良，有似於此。故語曰：「患為之者不知，知之者不得為也。」昔樂毅奔趙，心不忘燕；廉頗在楚，思為趙將。臣生乎亂，長乎軍，又數承教于武皇帝，伏見行師用兵之要，不必取孫、吳而闇與之合。竊揆之於心，常願得一奉朝覲，排金門，蹈玉陛，列有職之臣，賜須臾之問，使臣得一散所懷，攄舒蘊積，死不恨矣。被鴻臚所下發士息書，期會甚急。又聞豹尾已建，戎軒騖駕，陛下將復勞玉躬，擾挂神思。臣誠竦息，不遑寧處。願得策馬執鞭，首當塵露，撮風后之奇，接孫、吳之要，追慕卜商起予左右，效命先驅，畢命輪轂，雖無大益，冀有小補。然天高聽遠，情不上通，徒獨望青雲而拊心，仰高天而歎息耳。屈平曰：「國有驥而不知乘，焉皇皇而更索！」昔管、蔡放誅，周、召作弼；叔魚陷刑，叔向匡國。三監之釁，臣自當之；二南之輔，求必不遠。華宗貴族，藩王之中，必有應斯舉者。故傳曰：「無周公之親，不得行周公之事。」唯陛下少留意焉。近者漢氏廣建藩王，豐則連城數十，約則饗食祖祭而已，未若姬周之樹國，五等之品制之。若扶蘇之諫始皇，淳于越之難周青臣，可謂知時變矣。夫能使天下傾耳注目者，當權者是矣，故謀能移主，威能懾下。豪右執政，不在親戚；權之所在，雖疏必重，勢之所去，雖親必輕，蓋取齊者田族，非呂宗也。分晉者趙、魏，非姬姓也。唯陛下察之。苟吉專其位，凶離其患者，異姓之臣也。欲國之安，祈家之貴，存共其榮，沒同其禍者，公族之臣也。今反公族疏而異姓親，臣竊惑焉。臣聞孟子曰：「君子窮則獨善其身，達則兼善天下。」今臣與陛下踐冰履炭，登山浮澗，寒溫燥濕，高下共之，豈得離陛下哉？不勝憤懣，拜表陳情。若有不合，乞且藏之書府，不便滅棄，臣死之後，事或可思。若有豪釐少挂聖意者，乞出之朝堂，使夫博古之士，糾臣表之不合義者。如是，則臣願足矣。
帝輒優文答報。
裴松之注《陳壽·魏志十九·陳思王植傳》魏略曰：是後大發士息，及取諸國士。植以近前諸國士息已見發，其遺孤稚弱，在者無幾，而復被取，乃上書曰：「臣聞古者聖君，與日月齊其明，四時等其信，是以戮凶無重，賞善無輕，怒若驚霆，喜若時雨，恩不中絕，教無二可，以此臨朝，則臣下知所死矣。受任在萬里之外，審主之所授官，必己之所以投命，雖有構會之徒，泊然不以為懼者，蓋君臣相信之明效也。昔章子為齊將，人有告之反者，威王曰：『不然。』左右曰：『王何以明之？』王曰：『聞章子改葬死母；彼尚不欺死父，顧當叛生君乎？』此君之信臣也。昔管仲親射桓公，後幽囚從魯檻車載，使少年挽而送齊。管仲知桓公之必用己，懼魯之悔，謂少年曰：『吾為汝唱，汝為和，聲和聲，宜走。』於是管仲唱之，少年走而和之，日行數百里，宿昔而至。至則相齊，此臣之信君也。臣初受封，策書曰：『植受茲青社，封於東土，以屏翰皇家，為魏藩輔。』而所得兵百五十人，皆年在耳順，或不踰矩，虎賁官騎及親事凡二百餘人。正復不老，皆使年壯，備有不虞，檢校乘城，顧不足以自救，況皆復耄耋罷曳乎？而名為魏東藩，使屏翰王室，臣竊自羞矣。就之諸國，國有士子，合不過五百人。伏以為三軍益損，不復賴此。方外不定，必當須辦者，臣願將部曲倍道奔赴，夫妻負襁，子弟懷糧，蹈鋒履刃，以徇國難，何但習業小兒哉？愚誠以揮涕增河，鼷鼠飲海，於朝萬無損益，於臣家計甚有廢損。又臣士息前後三送，兼人已竭。惟尚有小兒，七八歲已上，十六七已還，三十餘人。今部曲皆年耆，臥在床席，非糜不食，眼不能視，氣息裁屬者，凡三十七人；疲瘵風靡，疣盲聾聵者，二十三人。惟正須此小兒，大者可備宿衛，雖不足以禦寇，粗可以警小盜；小者未堪大使，為可使耘鉏穢草，驅護鳥雀。休侯人則一事廢，一日獵則眾業散，不親自經營則功不攝；常自躬親，不委下吏而已。陛下聖仁，恩詔三至，士子給國，長不復發。明詔之下，有若皦日，保金石之恩，必明神之信，畫然自固，如天如地。定習業者並復見送，晻若晝晦，悵然失圖。伏以為陛下既爵臣百寮之右，居藩國之任，為置卿士，屋名為宮，冢名為陵，不使其危居獨立，無異於凡庶。若柏成欣於野耕，子仲樂於灌園；蓬戶茅牖，原憲之宅也；陋巷單瓢，顏子之居也：臣才不見效用，常慨然執斯志焉。若陛下聽臣悉還部曲，罷官屬，省監官，使解璽釋紱，追柏成、子仲之業，營顏淵、原憲之事，居子臧之廬，宅延陵之室。如此，雖進無成功，退有可守，身死之日，猶松、喬也。然伏度國朝終未肯聽臣之若是，固當羈絆於世繩，維繫於祿位，懷屑屑之小憂，執無已之百念，安得蕩然肆志，逍遙於宇宙之外哉？此願未從，陛下必欲崇親親，篤骨肉，潤白骨而榮枯木者，惟遂仁德以副前恩詔。」皆遂還之。