Welcome friends, to another Unqualified Appraisal. Last time, things took a rather negative turn since we had a hit piece, but journalists do more than write hit pieces, they write puff pieces too! So let’s be more positive and do a puff piece this time.
See? I’m not just a giant ball of negativity, kids.
Let’s puff up Zhūgě Kè, an underappreciated great man in need of some puffing.
Like last time, this ended up being longer than expected (there are a lot of great anecdotes about Zhūgě Kè), so Part I will give a brief outline of his life for those less familiar with him, and Part II will be an account of his death and the appraisal proper.
The Story
The canonical biography of Zhūgě Kè is included in Sān Guó zhì (SGZ) 64/Wú zhì (WZ) 19. His father Zhūgě Jǐn has a canonical biography in SGZ 52/WZ 7, with Kè's younger brother Róng attached, and Jǐn’s younger brother Liàng has a canonical biography in SGZ 35/Shǔ zhì 5, and Jǐn’s distant younger cousin Dàn has a canonical biography in SGZ 28/Wèi zhì 28; these all give some additional context on the broader story of the Zhūgě family.
Background
The Zhūgě clan of Lángyé was a family of good background, descended from Zhūgě Fēng,1 who rose to high office during Former Hàn. During the collapse of Hàn, Zhūgě Jǐn took refuge in the southeast, where he joined the staff of Sūn Quán. Jǐn’s younger brother Liàng meanwhile had taken refuge in Jīng province, where he eventually joined the staff of Liú Bèi, while another branch of the Zhūgě clan remained in the north, rising to prominence through the figure of Zhūgě Dàn.
Wú shū states: Previously, Jǐn was [Wú’s] General-in-Chief, and his younger brother Liàng was Shǔ’s Chancellor, his two sons Kè and Róng managed troops and supervised officers, his younger cousin Dàn also was famed in Wèi. One family dominating in three regions, the world revered them.2
Calculating from his age at death, Zhūgě Kè was born about 203, probably only a few years after Zhūgě Jǐn joined Sūn Quán.
From an early age, Zhūgě Kè was known for his talent and intelligence. He was exceptionally skilled in debate, with none able to match him. Sūn Quán was impressed with him, and reportedly remarked to Kè’s father Jǐn: “‘Lántián produces jade’, truly it is not false.”3 Zhūgě Kè grew to be about 1.8 meters tall, with few hairs in his whiskers and eyebrows, a bent nose bridge and wide forehead, large mouth and loud voice.4
Anecdotes of Genius
As the eldest son of a senior officer of the Wú Empire, Zhūgě Kè naturally entered Wú’s Court at an early age. He received his first formal appointment as soon as he underwent the capping ceremony of manhood at twenty, and Sūn Quán further had Zhūgě Kè, along with the sons of several other great ministers of Wú, together form the retinue of his eldest son and heir Sūn Dēng. From youth, Zhūgě Kè distinguished himself at Court threw his wit, preserved in several anecdotes.
Once, at a great assembly of the ministers of Court, Sūn Quán had a donkey brought in, wearing a sign that read 諸葛子瑜 “Zhūgě Zǐyú,” teasing Kè's father Zhūgě Jìn, who had a long face said to resemble a donkey’s face. Zhūgě Kè requested a pen to add two characters to the sign, and wrote 之驢 to make the sign read “Zhūgě Zǐyú’s donkey.” Everyone laughed, and Sūn Quán gifted the donkey to Zhūgě Kè.5
At another meeting of Court, Sūn Quán asked Kè as to whether his father Jǐn or uncle Liàng was superior. Kè replied that his father was superior, and when asked his reasoning, Kè replied that his father was superior for knowing who he should serve. (Jǐn served Sūn Quán and Wú, Liàng served Shǔ-Hàn). Sūn Quán laughed, and had Zhūgě Kè serve the alcohol. When Kè reached the senior statesman Zhāng Zhāo, Zhāo was already quite intoxicated and declined, stating that this was not the proper courtesy to care for the elderly. Zhāng Zhāo was respected and feared by all the court for his eloquence and skill in debate,6 and Sūn Quán challenged Kè to take on the veteran. Kè did just that, citing the example of the historic Tàigōng who continued leading the army into his nineties,7 and referencing Zhāng Zhāo’s poor performance as a general, remarked “In military affairs, you are at the rear, but in drink and food affairs, you are at the front; how can this be said to not care for the elderly?” Zhāng Zhāo was unable to reply and finished the drink.8
Later, when receiving an envoy from Shǔ, Sūn Quán told the envoy that as Zhūgě Kè enjoyed riding, Zhūgě Liàng should send a good horse for him. Kè immediately bowed and gave thanks. Sūn Quán remarked that the horse had not even arrived, but Kè replied: “Shǔ is Your Majesty’s Outer Stable. Now that there is an Imperial Order, the horse is certain to arrive; how would I dare not give thanks?”
Kè’s talent and quickness was all of this sort.9
Several more anecdotes are preserved in other sources. I won’t even try to cover them all, so I’ll stick to two more of my personal favorites:
Around 225 or so, when Sūn Quán received the Shǔ envoy Fèi Yī,10 he told the ministers in advance: “When the envoy arrives, lower your heads to eat and do not rise.” When Fèi Yī arrived, Sūn Quán stopped eating to receive him, while the Wú ministers did not. Fèi Yī therefore teased: “When the phoenix comes souring, the unicorn spits its feed, but the donkeys remain unaware, lowering their heads to eat as before.” Zhūgě Kè (~22) replied: “Then plant a parasol tree to care for the phoenix. What a common sparrow, declaring that it has come soaring; why not shoot pellets at it to send it back to hits homeland!” During the banquet, as Fèi Yī enjoyed a pastry, he composed a “Rhapsody on Wheat.” In answer, Zhūgě Kè composed a “Rhapsody on Grindstones.”11
By another account, after the alcohol had been passed and everyone was intoxicated, Fèi Yī and Zhūgě Kè engaged in debate, the topics eventually reaching to the words Wú and Shǔ. Fèi Yī challenged: “What is the character Shǔ 蜀?”
Zhūgě Kè replied with a rhyming poem: “With water 水 it is muddy 濁, without water it is Shǔ 蜀, a sideways eye 目 on a bent body, a worm 虫 entering its belly.” (For obvious reasons I have not even tried to preserve the rhyme in translation.)
Fèi Yī then challenged: “What is the character Wú 吳?”
Zhūgě Kè again replied with a rhyming poem (again, rhyme not preserved in translation): “Without a mouth 口 it is Heaven 天, with a mouth it is Wú 吳, below overlooking the blue sea, the Imperial capital of Heaven’s Son.”12
One time, Sūn Dēng teased Zhūgě Kè: “Zhūgě Yuánxùn can eat horse manure.”
Zhūgě Kè replied: “May the Heir-Apparent eat chicken eggs.”
Sūn Quán said: “He orders you to eat horse manure but you have him eat chicken eggs, why?”
Kè replied: “It comes out the same place.”
Sūn Quán greatly laughed.13
Service in the North
Sūn Quán was naturally very impressed with Zhūgě Kè, and sought to test him by appointing him to manage military provisions and grain, but the documentation was complicated and not what Zhūgě Kè enjoyed.14 By one account, when Zhūgě Liàng in Shǔ heard of Kè's appointment, he wrote to Wú officer Lù Xùn to express his concerns that Kè by nature was negligent about details, and so after Lù Xùn passed this on to Sūn Quán, Quán instead had Kè transferred to be a military commander.15
Very often this has been interpreted as a negative view of Zhūgě Kè, with Liàng’s appraisal in particular taken as a sign of Liàng’s sagely wisdom in appraising his “inferior” nephew. However, it may be better to interpret this story as a reminder that “genius” is not the same thing as “excel spreadsheet.” Managing provisions and grain is accounting work, requiring rigorous attention to detail while only using relatively simple arithmetic. Such work would likely bore a man of grand vision and genius like Zhūgě Kè, which would in turn inevitably lead to errors of negligence. If you have any friends who are geniuses, do not try to treat them as a human excel spreadsheet. That’s what excel spreadsheets are for.
Instead, Zhūgě Kè presented a bold and ambitious plan to develop the Dānyáng region by pacifying and conscripting the local Shānyuè, the hill peoples that populated the mountains and rugged terrain. These groups had remained outside of the effective control of the central government and been a problem for Wú for over three decades. Kè argued that within three years, he could raise an army of forty thousand men.16 All the commentators at Court expressed doubts as to the feasibility, including Kè’s own father Zhūgě Jǐn, who reportedly sighed and remarked: “[If Zhūgě] Kè does not greatly raise our house, he will greatly ruin our clan.”17
In 234,18 Zhūgě Kè was appointed General Succoring the Yuè and Administrator of Dānyáng, and set about implementing his ambitious plan. As part of this, he ordered that any Shānyuè who surrendered was not to be suspected or restrained. Jiùyáng Chief Hú Kàng caught and arrested a surrendered Shānyuè man Zhōu Yí for plotting rebellion. Zhūgě Kè had Hú Kàng executed for violating orders as an example; the Shānyuè on seeing this were reassured of Kè’s intentions, and with their old and young came out from the mountains to surrender. Within three years, the population counts were all as Zhūgě Kè had planned, with Kè himself personally commanding ten thousand troops, distributing the rest to his officers.19 Zhūgě Kè was greatly praised for his achievements, promoted to General Awing the North and given his own fief; when Zhūgě Jǐn passed away in 241, as Kè already had his own fief and his own troops, Jǐn’s fief and personal troops were instead inherited by Kè's younger brother Róng.20
Kè continued accumulating achievements on Wú’s northern front, expanding agriculture while also leading raids to capture and relocate people from Wèi. He even proposed a daring plan to capture the strategic city of Shòuchūn, but Sūn Quán did not approve.21 In 243, to deal with the growing threat of Zhūgě Kè, Wèi sent Sīmǎ Yì to attack Zhūgě Kè. At first Sūn Quán was about to send reinforcements, but a weather diviner argued that the air was unsuitable to send troops, and so Sūn Quán instead ordered Zhūgě Kè to avoid battle and withdraw further east to Cháisāng.22
Rising to Power
Previously, in 241, Zhūgě Kè’s friend and the Heir-Apparent of Wú, Sūn Dēng, died of illness.23 Sūn Quán appointed his next oldest surviving son Hé as Heir-Apparent, but also greatly favored another son, Sūn Bà. The Court of Wú split into opposing factions surrounding the two possible candidates,24 and the powerful and influential Chancellor Lù Xùn came under suspicion for his involvement in the succession dispute as a supporter of Sūn Hé.25 In 245, Zhūgě Kè wrote a letter to reassure Lù Xùn, but Lù Xùn died soon afterward. Zhūgě Kè was promoted to General-in-Chief, succeeded Lù Xùn as Governor of Jīng province, stationing at Wú’s western capital of Wǔchāng, essentially giving him command of the western half of the Wú Empire, as Lù Xùn had held before him.26
The factionalism over the succession continued however, and in 250 Sūn Quán deposed Sūn Hé and ordered Sūn Bà’s suicide, installing his youngest son Sūn Liàng, a child of about seven, as his heir. Zhūgě Kè’s eldest son Chuò was implicated in the affair as a member of Sūn Bà’s faction, and Sūn Quán had him sent to Zhūgě Kè for punishment. Kè ordered Chuò to take poison and die.27 A harsh measure, but perhaps necessary to protect the rest of the family, for the succession problem had greatly damaged the Wú Empire, causing the great ministers to suspect one another, with some exiled or dead (such as Lù Xùn) from all the political maneuvering and back-stabbing. It is easy to imagine that Kè’s willingness to order his own son’s death might have won Sūn Quán’s approval and increased his trust in Zhūgě Kè; one might even speculate that the situation may have been a sort of test.
In 252, as Sūn Quán lay dying in his final illness, he pondered the question of who could be entrusted with the still young Sūn Liàng and the future of the Wú Empire, and many of the great ministers supported Zhūgě Kè. By one account, Sūn Jùn, a distant relative of the Imperial family and a favorite of Sūn Quán’s,28 also argued in favor of Zhūgě Kè; Sūn Quán reportedly expressed concerns that Zhūgě Kè was too stubborn and self-confident, but Jùn replied that of the present great ministers of Wú, none could compare to Zhūgě Kè.29 Sūn Quán therefore summoned Kè.
By one account, when Zhūgě Kè was about to go east, the senior official Lǚ Dài, at the time already over ninety, warned Zhūgě Kè: “The world will soon have many troubles. In every affair you must think it over ten times.” Zhūgě Kè replied: “In the past Jì Wén-zǐ thought three times before acting, and the Master [Kǒng-zǐ] said: ‘Thinking twice is enough.’ Now you tell me to think ten times, it is to mean that I am inferior.” Lǚ Dài was unable to reply, and at the time, everyone thought Lǚ Dài had misspoken.30
Zhūgě Kè arrived at the eastern capital and was appointed Grand Tutor to the Heir-Apparent. Kè together with Sūn Hóng as Junior Tutor to the Heir-Apparent, the senior official Téng Yìn, General Lǚ Jù, and Sūn Jùn, gathered before the dying Sūn Quán and were entrusted with later affairs. The next day, Sūn Quán died.31
Sūn Hóng32 however was not friendly with Zhūgě Kè, and when Sūn Quán died, Sūn Hóng kept it secret and forged an Imperial Order to eliminate Kè. Sūn Jùn however warned Kè, and Zhūgě Kè struck first, inviting Sūn Hóng to meet and then arresting and executing him. Zhūgě Kè then announced Sūn Quán’s passing and began mourning.33 Sūn Liàng ascended as Emperor, with Zhūgě Kè as Grand Tutor and regent. Zhūgě Kè oversaw the government, expanding endowments, abolishing secret police and surveillance government offices, and decreasing taxation and tariffs. For this he met with widespread acclaim, so that when he went about, the people would all crane their necks to try to get a glimpse of him.34
Northern Campaigns
Previously around 230, Sūn Quán had sought to build a dam at Dōngxīng to expand the water ways for the Wú navy to use in its northern campaigns, but after several failed campaigns the project was abandoned. Zhūgě Kè sought to revive the project, in the tenth moon of 252 he led his forces to Dōngxīng to restore the dam, building two fortresses at the ends connecting to the surrounding mountains, and leaving a thousand men each to defend.35
Meanwhile, as Wèi heard of the opportunity presented by Sūn Quán’s death, and also seeing the Dōngxīng dam as a challenge, in the eleventh moon the Wèi regent Sīmǎ Shī ordered an invasion of Wú, attacking both on the southern front against Wú’s western positions and on the eastern front against Dōngxīng. Shī sent Wáng Chǎng and Guànqiū Jiǎn to lead the southern attacks, and Hú Zūn and Zhūgě Dàn to lead seventy thousand troops east to attack Dōngxīng.36 In the twelfth moon, Zhūgě Kè personally led forty thousand men to rescue Dōngxīng.37
The Wèi forces built pontoon bridges to cross the water ways to reach the Wú garrisons, but as the Wú fortifications were high and steep, the Wèi forces could not capture them. Zhūgě Kè sent Liú Zàn, Lǚ Jù, Táng Zī, and Dīng Fèng to lead the vanguard. At the time the weather was cold, and the Wèi officers gathered to drink, observing that the approaching Wú vanguard was few in number and seemingly under-equipped, having discarded their armor and spears, keeping only helmets and sabers and shields, in order to advance quickly. The Wèi officers reportedly laughed at the approaching forces and did not make preparations, but as the Wú forces pressed on and charged, the Wèi forces were thrown in complete disarray, and the dead were said to have been in the tens of thousands. Thousands of chariots, oxen, horses, donkeys were all captured, supplies and equipment piled up like mountains.38 Hearing that the eastern invasion had been decisively defeated, the southern invasion commanders Wáng Chǎng and Guànqiū Jiǎn withdrew. The disaster was a humiliation for Sīmǎ Shī and the Wèi officers, with many at Court wishing to have the defeated officers punished. Sīmǎ Shī took the blame himself, restricting the punishments to his younger brother Zhāo, who had been supervisor of the campaign.39
Meanwhile, Zhūgě Kè’s glory rose all the higher. His fief was increased, and he was additionally appointed Governor of both Jīng and Yáng provinces, Commander of Internal and External Military affairs, bestowed a hundred jīn of gold, two hundred horses, ten thousand pǐ each of silk and fabric,40 and by one account also appointed Chancellor.41 His confidence bolstered by his great victory, after returning in the twelfth moon, he wished to launch another campaign in the spring of that next year. Many Court ministers opposed the idea,42 but Zhūgě Kè held to his plans, writing a discussion explaining his reasoning:
In the long term, Wú could not hope to resist Wèi due to the latter’s greater size and population. That Wú could be successful for now was that Wèi’s manpower had been decreased by the warfare of the past few decades, but as the years passed, the next generation would grow up and replenish Wèi’s strength. Citing the famed examples from history of how a lack of initiative had led to destruction, from how the Six States had been conquered by Qín to how Liú Biǎo had been conquered by Cáo Cāo, Zhūgě Kè warned that seeking to hold to defenses and simply wait for opportunities was unsustainable for Wú. Though the official records say that none “dared” criticize Kè’s argument,43 one might also speculate that perhaps few could challenge Kè’s eloquent and logical argument, a literary work more than a match for his uncle Zhūgě Liàng’s famous “Memorial to Deploy Forces.”44
In the spring of 253, Zhūgě Kè mobilized two hundred thousand troops for his next northern campaign, intending to overawe the Huáinán region and capture its people to deprive Wèi of human resources. However, his subordinate officers criticized this strategy of deep penetration as too risky, and argued that they should instead focus on besieging Héféi Xīnchéng, which would draw out the Wèi armies to rescue it, allowing them to attack the relief force for great gains. Zhūgě Kè followed this.45 However as the months passed,46 spring became summer, and Xīnchéng was still not taken, and in the summer heat the soldiers drank large amounts of water, many suffered dysentery, and reportedly over half the army fell ill. As rumors spread, Zhūgě Kè beheaded the reporters for spreading damaging false information.47 However, as the army continued to suffer, it was in no condition to face the arriving Wèi relief forces, and that autumn Zhūgě Kè was forced to withdraw.48
A Tragic End
At first Zhūgě Kè had intended to remain on the northern front to build farms to rebuild strength, but Imperial Orders continued to arrive to summon him to return to the capital.49 When Zhūgě Kè returned, he ordered the government reformed to become stricter, dismissing and replacing many officials, while also planning another northern campaign.50
Seeing an opportunity in the growing discontent, Sūn Jùn persuaded the young Emperor Sūn Liàng, at the time about ten, that Zhūgě Kè was planning to rebel, to secure Imperial approval for a plot to eliminate Kè. In the winter of 253, Zhūgě Kè was summoned to the Palace for a meeting.51 Though he suspected treachery, he remained confident as always in his ability to handle any potential dangers,52 and ascended the palace hall. Sūn Jùn personally ambushed and killed him there, a tragic and unworthy end for one of Wú’s greatest heroes.
Next time, I will talk in more detail about the Assassination of Zhūgě Kè by the Coward Sūn Jùn, and its repercussions (in many ways, it was the beginning of the end for Wú), which will then lead into a proper appraisal of Zhūgě Kè:
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Zhūgě Fēng has a canonical biography in Hàn shū 77.
Annotated to SGZ 52: 吳書曰:初,瑾為大將軍,而弟亮為蜀丞相,二子恪、融皆典戎馬,督領將帥,族弟誕又顯名於魏,一門三方為冠蓋,天下榮之。
Annotated to SGZ 64: 江表傳曰:恪少有才名,發藻岐嶷,辯論應機,莫與為對。權見而奇之,謂瑾曰:「藍田生玉,真不虛也。」 In ancient times, Lántián county was famed for jade production. The saying was a compliment to both the family (compared to Lántián county) and the child born from the family (compared to jade).
Annotated to SGZ 64: 吳錄曰:恪長七尺六寸,少鬚眉,折頞廣額,大口高聲。
SGZ 64: 恪父瑾面長似驢,孫權大會群臣,使人牽一驢入,長檢其面,題曰諸葛子瑜。恪跪曰:「乞請筆益兩字。」因聽與筆。恪續其下曰「之驢。」舉坐歡笑,乃以驢賜恪。
See Zhāng Zhāo’s biography in SGZ 52
For Qí Tàigōng, also known as Lǚ Shàng or Jiāng Zǐyá, see Shǐ jì 32.
SGZ 64: 他日復見,權問恪曰:「卿父與叔父孰賢?」對曰:「臣父為優。」權問其故,對曰:「臣父知所事,叔父不知,以是為優。」權又大噱。命恪行酒,至張昭前,昭先有酒色,不肯飲,曰:「此非養老之禮也。」權曰:「卿其能令張公辭屈,乃當飲之耳。」恪難昭曰:「昔師尚父九十,秉旄仗鉞,猶未告老也。今軍旅之事,將軍在後,酒食之事,將軍在先,何謂不養老也?」昭卒無辭,遂為盡爵。
SGZ 64: 後蜀使至,群臣並會,權謂使曰:「此諸葛恪雅好騎乘,還告丞相,為致好馬。」恪因下謝,權曰:「馬未至而謝何也?」恪對曰:「夫蜀者陛下之外廄,今有恩詔,馬必至也,安敢不謝?」 恪之才捷,皆此類也。
Fèi Yī has a biography in SGZ 44, which states that he was sent as envoy to Wú after Zhūgě Liàng returned from his 225 southern campaign.
Annotated to SGZ 64: 恪別傳曰:權嘗饗蜀使費禕,先逆敕群臣:「使至,伏食勿起。」禕至,權為輟食,而群下不起。禕啁之曰:「鳳皇來翔,騏驎吐哺,驢騾無知,伏食如故。」恪答曰:「爰植梧桐,以待鳳皇,有何燕雀,自稱來翔?何不彈射,使還故鄉!」禕停食餅,索筆作麥賦,恪亦請筆作磨賦,咸稱善焉。
Annotated to the biography of Xuē Zōng in SGZ 53: 江表傳曰:費禕聘于吳,陛見,公卿待臣皆在坐。酒酣,禕與諸葛恪相對嘲難,言及吳、蜀。禕問曰:「蜀字云何?」恪曰:「有水者濁,無水者蜀。橫目苟身,虫入其腹。」禕復問:「吳字云何?」恪曰:「無口者天,有口者吳,下臨滄海,天子帝都。」 Note that the base biography has a suspiciously similar Wú vs Shǔ character analysis anecdote that is instead attributed to a debate between Wú minister Xuē Zōng and Shǔ envoy Zhāng Fèng.
Annotated to SGZ 64: 太子嘗嘲恪:「諸葛元遜可食馬矢。」恪曰:「願太子食雞卵。」權曰:「人令卿食馬矢,卿使人食雞卵何也?」恪曰:「所出同耳。」權大笑。
SGZ 64: 權甚異之,欲試以事,令守節度。節度掌軍糧穀,文書繁猥,非其好也。
Annotated to SGZ 64: 江表傳曰:權為吳王,初置節度官,使典掌軍糧,非漢制也。初用侍中偏將軍徐詳,詳死,將用恪。諸葛亮聞恪代詳,書與陸遜曰:「家兄年老,而恪性疏,今使典主糧穀,糧穀軍之要最,僕雖在遠,竊用不安。足下特為啟至尊轉之。」遜以白權,即轉恪領兵。
SGZ 64: 恪以丹楊山險,民多果勁,雖前發兵,徒得外縣平民而已,其餘深遠,莫能禽盡,屢自求乞為官出之,三年可得甲士四萬。
SGZ 64: 皆以為難。恪父瑾聞之,亦以事終不逮,歎曰;「恪不大興吾家,將大赤吾族也。」
SGZ 46 dates Zhūgě Kè's appointment to Dānyáng to Jiāhé Third Year Eighth Moon.
SGZ 64: 恪乃復敕下曰:「山民去惡從化,皆當撫慰,徙出外縣,不得嫌疑,有所執拘。」臼陽長胡伉得降民周遺,遺舊惡民,困迫暫出,內圖叛逆,伉縛送諸府。恪以伉違教,遂斬以徇,以狀表上。民聞伉坐執人被戮,知官惟欲出之而已,於是老幼相攜而出,歲期,人數皆如本規。恪自領萬人,餘分給諸將。
SGZ 52: 恪已自封侯,故弟融襲爵,攝兵業駐公安
SGZ 64: 拜恪威北將軍,封都鄉侯。恪乞率眾佃廬江、皖口,因輕兵襲舒,掩得其民而還。復遠遣斥候,觀相徑要,欲圖壽春,權以為不可。
SGZ 46 dates this to Chìwū Sixth Year. SGZ 64: 赤烏中,魏司馬宣王謀欲攻恪,權方發兵應之,望氣者以為不利,於是徙恪屯於柴桑。
Sūn Dēng has biography in SGZ 59. His death is dated in SGZ 46 as Chìwū Fourth Year Fifth Moon, mere months before Zhūgě Jǐn also died in 241. Both were stationed in Jīng province, so one might suspect some sort of epidemic in that region.
See the biographies of Hé and Bà in SGZ 59.
For Lù Xùn’s biography see SGZ 58.
SGZ 64: 恪知遜以此嫌己,故遂廣其理而贊其旨也。會遜卒,恪遷大將軍,假節,駐武昌,代遜領荊州事。
SGZ 64: 恪長子綽,騎都尉,以交關魯王事,權遣付恪,令更教誨,恪鴆殺之。
Sūn Jùn has a biography in SGZ 64. He was a great-grandson of Sūn Jìng, the younger brother of Sūn Quán’s father Jiān.
Annotated to SGZ 64: 吳書曰:權寢疾,議所付託。時朝臣咸皆注意於恪,而孫峻表恪器任輔政,可付大事。權嫌恪剛很自用,峻以當今朝臣皆莫及,遂固保之,乃徵恪。
Annotated to SGZ 64: 志林曰:初權病篤,召恪輔政。臨去,大司馬呂岱戒之曰:「世方多難,子每事必十思。」恪答曰:「昔季文子三思而後行,夫子曰『再思可矣』,今君令恪十思,明恪之劣也。」岱無以答,當時咸謂之失言。
SGZ 64: 久之,權不豫,而太子少,乃徵恪以大將軍領太子太傅,中書令孫弘領少傅。權疾困,召恪、弘及太常滕胤、將軍呂據、侍中孫峻,屬以後事。 翌日,權薨。
Though closely trusted by Sūn Quán, he was a man of Kuàijī and not related to the Sūn Imperial clan. See SGZ 52.
SGZ 64: 弘素與恪不平,懼為恪所治,祕權死問,欲矯詔除恪。峻以告恪,恪請弘咨事,於坐中誅之,乃發喪制服。
SGZ 64: 於是罷視聽,息校官,原逋責,除關稅,事崇恩澤,眾莫不悅。恪每出入,百姓延頸,思見其狀。
SGZ 64: 初,權黃龍元年遷都建業,二年築東興隄遏湖水。後征淮南,敗以內船,由是廢不復脩。恪以建興元年十月會眾於東興,更作大隄,左右結山俠築兩城,各留千人,使全端、留略守之,引軍而還。
SGZ 4: 冬十一月,詔征南大將軍王昶、征東將軍胡遵、鎮南將軍毌丘儉等征吳。十二月,吳大將軍諸葛恪拒戰,大破眾軍于東關。不利而還。 SGZ 64: 魏以吳軍入其疆土,恥於受侮,命大將胡遵、諸葛誕等率眾七萬,欲攻圍兩塢,圖壞隄遏。
SGZ 64: 恪興軍四萬,晨夜赴救。
SGZ 64: 遵等敕其諸軍作浮橋度,陳於隄上,分兵攻兩城。城在高峻,不可卒拔。恪遣將軍留贊、呂據、唐咨、丁奉為前部。時天寒雪,魏諸將會飲,見贊等兵少,而解置鎧甲,不持矛戟。但兜鍪刀楯,倮身緣遏,大笑之,不即嚴兵。兵得上,便鼓譟亂斫。魏軍驚擾散走,爭渡浮橋,橋壞絕,自投於水,更相蹈藉。樂安太守桓嘉等同時并沒,死者數萬。故叛將韓綜為魏前軍督,亦斬之。獲車乘牛馬驢騾各數千,資器山積,振旅而歸。
Annotated to SGZ 4: 漢晉春秋曰:毌丘儉、王昶聞東軍敗,各燒屯走。朝議欲貶黜諸將,景王曰:「我不聽公休,以至於此。此我過也,諸將何罪?」悉原之。時司馬文王為監軍,統諸軍,唯削文王爵而已。
SGZ 64: 進封恪陽都侯,加荊揚州牧,督中外諸軍事,賜金一百斤,馬二百匹,繒布各萬匹。
許嵩《建康實錄》卷十記載:建興元年、加恪都督中外諸軍事、荊揚二州牧、丞相、陽都侯
SGZ 64: 恪遂有輕敵之心,以十二月戰克,明年春,復欲出軍。諸大臣以為數出罷勞,同辭諫恪,恪不聽。中散大夫蔣延或以固爭,扶出。
SGZ 64: 眾皆以恪此論欲必為之辭,然莫敢復難。
See SGZ 35 for Liàng’s memorial, SGZ 64 for Kè’s argument. I will compare the two pieces more thoroughly in my appraisal next time.
SGZ 64: 大發州郡二十萬眾,百姓騷動,始失人心。恪意欲曜威淮南,驅略民人,而諸將或難之曰:「今引軍深入,疆埸之民,必相率遠遁,恐兵勞而功少,不如止圍新城。新城困,救必至,至而圖之,乃可大獲。」恪從其計,迴軍還圍新城。
See SGZ 4 and its annotations for accounts of Wèi defending officer Zhāng Tè and others, and how they used deception and treachery to defy Zhūgě Kè.
SGZ 64: 攻守連月,城不拔。士卒疲勞,因暑飲水,泄下流腫,病者大半,死傷塗地。諸營吏日白病者多,恪以為詐,欲斬之,自是莫敢言。
SGZ 4: 五月,吳太傅諸葛恪圍合肥新城,詔太尉司馬孚拒之。秋七月,恪退還。 SGZ 64: 魏知戰士罷病,乃進救兵。恪引軍而去。
SGZ 64: 出住江渚一月,圖起田於潯陽,詔召相銜,徐乃旋師。
SGZ 64: 恪征行之後,曹所奏署令長職司,一罷更選,愈治威嚴,多所罪責,當進見者,無不竦息。又改易宿衛,用其親近,復敕兵嚴,欲向青、徐。
SGZ 64: 孫峻因民之多怨,眾之所嫌,搆恪欲為變,與亮謀,置酒請恪。
Annotated to SGZ 64: 吳歷曰:張約、朱恩密疏告恪,恪以示滕胤,胤勸恪還,恪曰:「峻小子何能為邪!但恐因酒食中人耳。」乃以藥酒入。