I received a request to do some research into Liú Chǒng, Prince Mǐn (“Martyred”)1 of Chén, one of the many cadet branch princes of the Hàn Imperial House that was destroyed in the chaos of the final decades of Hàn.
At first, I was a little hesitant to tackle the subject, because Liú Chǒng, a Hàn cadet prince who died around 197, should probably be considered to fall pretty squarely in the “Hàn side” of the admittedly blurry at times dividing line between “Hàn” and “the Three States.” Liú Chǒng is not mentioned even once in Sān Guó zhì and its annotations. All historical information on him must instead be found in the Hòu Hàn shū (HHS).
Nevertheless, I am told that the video game Total War: Three Kingdoms features a character based on Liú Chǒng, leading to some popularity of the figure in Three Kingdoms adjacent communities (though I might counter that I am also told that this video game pretty much only covers the 189-220 period, and could therefore be said to be incorrectly titled), and I suppose talking about Liú Chǒng might be a good excuse as a lead-in to a few other topics.
Context: The Princely Fiefs
The title wáng 王, usually translated as “king” or “prince,” was originally the formal title of the supreme sovereign used by the Zhōu dynasty. As the authority of the Zhōu declined in its final centuries and its nominal vassals became de facto independent states, some began to usurp the Zhōu’s royal prerogatives, including the title of king, so that by the Warring States era, the rulers of almost all the remaining major states were styling themselves as kings.2 When Qín conquered all its rivals, the King of Qín (Qín wáng) sought to distinguish his achievement by creating a new title for himself as Emperor of Qín (Qín Huángdì), and, seeking to prevent a similar degradation of central authority that Zhōu had suffered, completely abolished the system of vassals and fiefs.3 When Qín collapsed and was replaced by Hàn, believers in the Zhōu ideals claimed it had come about because Qín had no vassals to come to its rescue, and so Liú Bāng, the new Emperor of Hàn, sought to implement a hybrid system: most of the west of the Empire was organized along the Qín central bureaucracy model, while most of the east was divided into fief states. These were ruled by male-line relatives of Liú Bāng, his brothers, nephews, and younger sons, who were enthroned as the corresponding king/prince (wáng) of that fief. These princes ruled their fiefs with miniature royal courts modeled after the central Imperial Court, appointing their own Chancellors and raising their own armies, and so on. Believing that blood relation would ensure loyalty, Liú Bāng ordered that only his male-line blood relatives (those with the Liú family name) could ever be enthroned as princes.4
As it turned out, however, blood relation was not a guarantee of loyalty, and a major coordinated rebellion of seven princes began in 154 BC, during the reign of Liú Bāng’s grandson Liú Qǐ, Emperor Jǐng. Following the suppression of the rebellion, Hàn modified its system to centralize power: the Hàn princes were reduced to glorified landlords, their titles only providing an endowment from a share of the fief’s tax revenue, and they were banned from holding real government office. All actual government affairs of their fiefs were instead managed by the “Chancellors” (xiàng), who were no longer appointed by the princes to lead their princely Courts, but members of the regular bureaucracy sent by the central government, essentially no different from the regular Administrators (tàishóu) that served as the heads of the non-fief prefecture (jùn) administrative units.5
The Chén Fief
The cadet branch given the Chén fief was descended from the Emperor Míng, Liú Zhuāng, second reigning Emperor of the Later Hàn (r. 57 - 75 AD). Emperor Míng had nine recorded sons, the fifth of which was Liú Dá, who became Emperor Zhāng. Out of the other sons was a Liú Xiàn, who is usually assumed to have been the second son, based on the order they are recorded in the historiography.6 Excluding the Emperor Liú Dá, the other eight recorded sons are given together in HHS 50.7
A translation of the section concerning the Chén fief lineage descended from Liú Xiàn, which ends with his famed descendant Liú Chǒng (d. 197 AD), is given below. For the passage I have decided to diverge from my previous translation convention and render 王 as “prince” instead of “king,” to appeal to the Total War: Three Kingdoms audience that is interested in learning more about the “Prince of Chen.”
Translation
Prince Jìng [“Venerable”] of Chén, [Liú] Xiàn, in Yǒngpíng Third Year [60 AD] was enfeoffed Prince of Guǎngpíng. Jiànchū Third Year [78 AD], officials memorialized to send [Liú] Xiàn with the Prince of Jùlù, [Liú] Gōng, and the Prince of Lèchéng, [Liú] Dǎng, to all go to their fiefs. Sùzōng [Liú Dá] by nature was very affectionate, could not bear to be separated from the various princes [his brothers], and therefore kept them all in the capital. Next year, consulted the world maps, and ordered that the various fief state populations all be equal, the annual taxation income to each be eight million. [Liú] Xiàn widely studied the classic books, had authority and dignity, with the various classicists debated at the Báihǔ Palace. Seventh Year [82 AD], the Emperor because Guǎngpíng was in the north and had many border costs, therefore transferred Xiàn to be Prince of Xīpíng, dividing from Rǔnán eight counties to form the fief state. When the Emperor passed away [88 AD], the Legacy Imperial Order changed the enfeoffment to be Prince of Chén, the fief from Huáiyáng prefecture, that year sent to the state. Enthroned for thirty-seven years, died, his son Prince Sī [“Regrettable”], Liú Jūn, succeeded.8
[Liú] Jūn was enthroned, often violated law, and then usurped the Great Shooter’s Ritual of Heaven’s Son. By nature he was deceptive and treacherous, excelled in literary skills, and if he did not get along with his state’s Chancellor or two thousand ranks, at once he would slander them. He hated Prince Jìng’s wives Lǐ Yí and the rest [his stepmothers], and in Yǒngyuán Eleventh Year [99 AD], therefore sent his retainer Wěi Jiǔ to kill [Lǐ] Yí’s family and dependents. An official captured [Wěi] Jiǔ and bound him in Chángpíng [county] prison. [Liú] Jūn wished to prevent him from speaking, and again sent a close retainer to kill [Wěi] Jiǔ. The matter was discovered, officials raised a report, [Liú] Jūn in connection lost Xīhuá, Xiàng, Xīnyáng three counties [from his fief]. Twelfth Year, enfeoffed Jūn’s six younger brothers as Ranked Marquis. Later Jūn took a woman sent out from the Lateral Courts [the Imperial harem], Lǐ Ráo, as a lesser wife, and again in connection lost Yǔ, Yílù, Fúgōu three counties. Yǒngchū Seventh Year [113 AD], enfeoffed Prince Jìng’s grandson [Liú] Ānguó as Marquis of Gēng precinct. Jūn was enthroned twenty-one years, died, his son Prince Huái [“Mourned”], [Liú] Sǒng, succeeded. Enthroned two years, died, no sons, state abolished.9
Yǒngníng Inaugural Year [120 AD], enthroned Prince Jìng’s son the Marquis of Ānshòu precinct [Liú] Chóng as Prince of Chén, who was Prince Qīng [“Unstable”]. Enthroned five years, died, his son Prince Xiào [“Filial”], [Liú] Chéng succeeded.10
[Liú] Chéng died, his son Prince Mǐn [“Martyred”], [Liú] Chǒng succeeded. Xīpíng Second Year [173], the state’s Chancellor Shī Qiān reported that in the past the former Chancellor Wèi Yīn had with [Liú] Chǒng together sacrificed to Celestial Spirits to pray for fortunes that should not be hoped for [inheritance to Imperial title], the crime reaching to “Without Principle.” Officials memorialized to send an envoy to investigate. At the time they had only just killed the Prince of Bóhǎi [Liú] Lǐ, Emperor Líng could not bear to again apply law, and sent Prisoner Cart to convey [Wèi] Yīn and [Shī] Qiān to the North Office Imperial Prison, sending Internal Regular Attendant Wáng Pú with Secreteriat Documents Director and Attendant Censor to variously investigate. [Wèi] Yīn stated he had with the Prince together sacrificed to Lord Huáng-Láo, only seeking to extend life and good fortune and nothing more, with no other hopes of fortune. [Wáng] Pú and the rest memorialized that [Wèi] Yīn’s duty was to rectify and redress [his assigned Prince] but he had instead acted improperly, and that [Shī] Qiān had falsely accused his Prince, deceptively claiming him “Without Principle,” and both were put to death. There was Imperial Order pardoning [Liú] Chǒng without investigation.11
[Liú] Chǒng excelled in crossbow shooting, in ten shots ten hits, hits all in the same place. During Zhōngpíng, Huángjīn [“Yellow Turban”] rebels rose up, the prefectures and counties all abandoned the cities and fled, [Liú] Chŏng had strong crossbows of several thousands, sending out army to the city precinct. The state’s people had previously heard that the Prince excelled at shooting, did not dare rebel, and therefore Chén alone was secured, and the crowds of commoners that took refuge there were over a hundred thousand people. Reaching to Emperor Xiàn’s beginning, Righteous Troops rose up, [Liú] Chǒng raised forces to garrison Yángxià, declaring himself Supporting Hàn General-in-Chief. The state’s Chancellor, Kuàijī’s Luò Jùn, by nature had prestige and grace, at the time Under Heaven was in hunger and starvation, of the neighboring prefectures’ people many took refuge and joined them, [Luò] Jùn poured out supplies to give relief, and all obtained survival. Later Yuán Shù demanded provisions from Chén but [Luò] Jùn refused him, [Yuán] Shù was furious, and sent his retainer to assassinate [Luò] Jùn and [Liú] Chǒng, Chén by this was destroyed.
At that time the various fief states no longer produced revenue, and several met with capture and seizure, going days without food, those that died abandoned in ditches and ravines were extremely many. Of the consorts and concubines many were by Dānlíng troops and Wūhuán seized.12
Additional Notes
Aside from the above excerpt, further context on the destruction of the Chén fief is given in the biography of Yuán Shù in HHS 75. The corresponding parallel passage reads, with my emphasis added for the convenience of the reader:
Jiàn’ān Second year, in accordance to Hénèi’s Zhāng Jiǒng’s prophecy interpretations, [Yuán Shù] then indeed usurped title, himself declaring the Zhòng House, with the Jiǔjiāng Administrator becoming the Huáinán Intendant, installing Excellencies and Ministers and the Hundred Officials, Suburb Sacrifices to Heaven and Earth. Then he sent envoy with his claimed title to inform Lǚ Bù and have his son betrothed to [Lǚ] Bù’s daughter. [Lǚ] Bù seized [Yuán] Shù’s envoy and sent him to Xǔ [city, where the Hàn Emperor was located]. [Yuán] Shù was greatly furious, sending his officers Zhāng Xūn and Qiáo Ruí to attack [Lǚ] Bù, they were greatly defeated and returned. [Yuán] Shù also led troops to attack Chén state, baiting and killing its Prince [Liú] Chǒng and Chancellor Luò Jùn, Cáo Cāo then personally campaigned against him. [Yuán] Shù heard and was greatly alarmed, at once fleeing to cross the Huái, leaving Zhāng Xūn and Qiáo Ruí at Qíyáng to resist [Cáo] Cāo. [Cáo] Cāo struck, defeated, and beheaded [Qiáo] Ruí, and [Zhāng] Xūn retreated and fled.13
On the Historical Impact of Liú Chǒng
In summary, Liú Chǒng seems to have been a relatively minor historical figure. He was killed in 197, in what would probably be considered the early phases of the Hàn Imperial collapse. Though he seems to have restored some measure of stability in his local prefecture level administrative unit, he probably must share a lot of credit with the real administrative head of the unit, Luò Jùn.
This is not to downplay his achievements of course. From the perspective of the ordinary commoner (a category that includes this author), maintaining order in a territory the size of one prefecture and securing a population in the tens of thousands of people was certainly a grand achievement. This is only to point out, that from a very high-level perspective, Liú Chǒng was a relatively small player. The population of the Hàn Empire was counted in the tens of millions, and the territory was organized into over a hundred prefecture units.14 The actual big players of the era controlled and managed territories covering multiple prefectures or even provinces (zhōu), with populations of hundreds of thousands to millions.
Some might then ask, if Sān Guó zhì did not find him worth including, why did the Hòu Hàn shū then? Well, primarily because he had princely title. As a dynastic history focusing on Hàn, the HHS seeks to keep a record on the cadet branches of the Imperial family. Liú Chǒng’s is subordinated as an attachment to the record of the succession line of a cadet branch founded by a son of an Emperor. That he was more successful than most of his distant cousins means he has more recorded of him, but those other cousins usually still at least have their names recorded for the sake of maintaining a record of the succession line. For instance, from the very same chapter of HHS 50 (the branches descended from the sons of Emperor Míng), we have two examples of Liú Chǒng’s less successful cousins from around the same era:
His son Prince Āi [“Tragic”], [Liú] Yí succeeded, in several months died, no sons, Jiàn’ān Eleventh Year [206 AD] state abolished.”15
“[Liú] Bào was enthroned eight years, died, his son [Liú] Gǎo succeeded. In thirty two years, [Liú Gǎo] encountered Huángjīn rebels, abandoned the state and fled, Jiàn’ān Eleventh Year [206 AD] state abolished.”16
Going outside to other chapters, such as say, HHS 55, which records the cadet branches descended from the sons of Emperor Zhāng, the examples are mostly the same:
[Liú] Zhōng was enthroned for thirteen years, died, his successor son was by the Huángjīn killed, in Jiàn’ān Eleventh Year [206] due to the lack of posterity, state abolished.17
Some might object claiming that the categorization by family may be a requirement and so subordination to a family biographical group should not be taken as evidence concerning the historian’s views of “historical impact” of an individual, but for that we have the counter-example of the case of Yuán Shào and Yuán Shù, who were given their own separate entries in HHS 74 and 75 rather than being subordinated to the biographical entry of the larger Yuán clan descended from Yuán Ān in HHS 45. In an alternate timeline where Liú Chǒng had been more successful, likely he would have had his own separate entry in HHS as well. (As a side note, in the SGZ we have the example case of Zhōng Yáo’s son Yù being subordinated to Yáo’s entry in SGZ 13 while the other son Zhōng Huì was considered to have left a large enough separate impact to have his own separate entry in SGZ 28.)
It is perhaps also important to emphasize that Liú Chǒng was a relatively small player among many other small players, the majority of which failed to be recorded in the history books due to not having the quirk of a princely title from accident of birth. Remember, the Sān Guó zhì evidently did not consider Liú Chǒng as important enough to receive even a single mention.
This is, incidentally, another reason for my previously mentioned dislike for most popular “maps” of the era. Very often you will see cases like Chén having its nominal borders drawn and being given a special color, given an impression that it was a special “Liú Chǒng” island in a large sea painted “Yuán Shù,” which is a gross misrepresentation of the actual political situation of the chaos of the civil war.
From a wider view of the history in context, perhaps the greater lesson comes from noting the limitations of Liú Chǒng’s successes. Despite having the influence and prestige that came with being a formal Prince of the blood of the Imperial dynasty, he was only able to maintain order in one prefecture out of a hundred. It is also claimed that he was the most successful of all the formal Princes, meaning that most of his distant cousins probably suffered worse fates. This could be taken as evidence of just how far the influence of the Hàn name had fallen, that the seemingly most successful of all its princes could only achieve a measure of order in one prefecture out of a hundred.
It could perhaps also be taken as evidence of the success in which the formal bureaucratic order had superseded family relation. The distant relations of the Imperial family that actually came to great power during the collapse of Hàn, such as Liú Yú, Liú Yān, Liú Biǎo, or most famously Liú Bèi, did so mainly through their claims to powerful bureaucratic offices, not through their distant relation to the Imperial family.18 These men were all too distant from the main lines of descent to inherit princely titles by blood, though perhaps ironically this distance meant they were not subject to the same political restrictions placed on princes of the blood, allowing them to become powerful government officials, building fledgling states amid the chaos while their supposedly more privileged cousins were destroyed.
In that respect, it is perhaps also worth noting that Liú Chǒng himself may have been aware of that, given the record that he had also sought to claim a bureaucratic-sounding title, declaring himself a “Supporting Hàn General-in-Chief.” One might wonder if perhaps such a title could actually have been the more useful title for Liú Chǒng than “Prince of Chén.”
As a word Mǐn can mean things like “pity,” “grief,” or “sorrow.” As a posthumous name it is frequently seen as the name used for figures killed in battle or considered to have died for a cause.
See the annals of Zhōu in Shǐjì (SJ) 4 and the “Hereditary Houses” (Shìjiā) chapters SJ 31 through SJ 46.
See the annals of Qín Shǐhuáng in SJ 6.
See the annals of Gāozǔ (Liú Bāng) in SJ 8 and HS 1.
See the annals of Emperors Jǐng (Liú Qǐ) and Wǔ (Liú Chè) in SJ 11 and 12 and in HS 5 and 6. The treatises in HHS also provide some insight and historical context in the removal of the princes of the blood from actual power:
《後漢書.百官五》漢初立諸王,因項羽所立諸王之制,地既廣大,且至千里。又其官職傅為太傅,相為丞相,又有御史大夫及諸卿,皆秩二千石,石官皆如朝廷。國家唯為置丞相,其御史大夫以下皆自置之。至景帝時,吳、楚七國恃其國大,遂以作亂,幾危漢室。及其誅滅,景帝懲之,遂令諸王不得治民,令內史主治民,改丞相曰相,省御史大夫、廷尉、少府、宗正、博士官。武帝改漢內史、中尉、郎中令之名,而王國如故,員職皆朝廷為署,不得自置。至漢成帝省內史治民,更令相治民,太傅但曰傅。
This assumption is potentially unsafe, because we do have evidence of sons being recorded in sub-groups organized by birth mother instead of by overall birth order, such as in the records of the sons of Cáo Cāo and Cáo Pī in SGZ 20. On the other hand, the historiography on the sons of Liú Zhuāng report that the identities of the mothers were not recorded for seven out of the nine sons, which could suggest that overall birth order was the guiding principle for their ordering.
《後漢書.卷五十.孝明八王列傳第四十》孝明皇帝九子:賈貴人生章帝;陰貴人生梁節王暢;餘七王本書不載母氏。
(The annotations are those compiled by Lǐ Xián et al.)
《後漢書.卷五十.孝明八王列傳第四十》
陳敬王羨,永平三年封廣平王。建初三年,有司奏遣羨與鉅鹿王恭、樂成王黨俱就國。肅宗性篤愛,不忍與諸王乖離,遂皆留京師。明年,案輿地圖,令諸國戶口皆等,租入歲各八千萬。羨博涉經書,有威嚴,與諸儒講論於白虎殿。七年,帝以廣平在北,多有邊費〔一〕,乃徙羨為西平王,〔二〕分汝南八縣為國。及帝崩,遺詔徙封為陳王,食淮陽郡,其年就國。立三十七年薨,子思王鈞嗣。
〔一〕 廣平,縣,故城在今洺州永年縣北。
〔二〕 西平,縣,屬汝南郡也。
《後漢書.卷五十.孝明八王列傳第四十》
鈞立,多不法,遂行天子大射禮。〔一〕性隱賊,喜文法,國相二千石不與相得者,輒陰中之。憎怨敬王夫人李儀等,永元十一年,遂使客隗久〔二〕殺儀家屬。吏捕得久,繫長平獄。〔三〕鈞欲斷絕辭語,復使結客篡殺久。事發覺,有司舉奏,鈞坐削西華、項、新陽三縣。〔四〕十二年,封鈞六弟為列侯。〔五〕後鈞取掖庭出女李嬈為小妻,〔六〕復坐削圉、宜祿、扶溝三縣。〔七〕永初七年,封敬王孫安國為耕亭侯。
〔一〕 天子將祭,擇士而祭,謂之大射。大射之禮,張三侯,虎侯、熊侯、豹侯,示服猛也,皆以其皮方制之。樂用騶虞,九節。謝承書曰「陳國戶曹史高慎諫國相曰:『諸侯射豕,天子射熊,八彝六樽,禮數不同。昔季氏設朱干玉戚以舞大夏。左傳曰:「唯名與器,不可以假人。」奢僭之漸,不可聽也。』於是諫爭不合,為王所非,坐司寇罪」也。
〔二〕 「久」或作「文」。
〔三〕 長平,縣,屬陳國。
〔四〕 西華故城在今陳州溵水縣西北。項,今陳州項城縣也。新陽故城在今豫州真陽縣西南也。
〔五〕 伏侯古今注曰「番為陽都鄉侯,千秋為新平侯,參為周亭侯,壽為樂陽亭侯,寶為博平侯,旦為高亭侯」也。
〔六〕 嬈音寧了反。
〔七〕 圉、扶溝並屬陳留都。宜祿屬汝南郡。
鈞立二十一年薨,子懷王竦嗣。立二年薨,無子,國絕。
《後漢書.卷五十.孝明八王列傳第四十》永寧元年,立敬王子安壽亭侯崇為陳王,是為頃王。立五年薨,子孝王承嗣。
《後漢書.卷五十.孝明八王列傳第四十》
承薨,子愍王寵嗣。熹平二年,國相師遷追奏前相魏愔與寵共祭天神,希幸非冀,罪至不道。有司奏遣使者案驗。是時新誅勃海王悝,〔一〕靈帝不忍復加法,詔檻車傳送愔、遷詣北寺詔獄,使中常侍王酺〔二〕與尚書令、侍御史雜考。愔辭與王共祭黃老君,求長生福而已,無它冀幸。酺等奏愔職在匡正,而所為不端,遷誣告其王,罔以不道,皆誅死。有詔赦寵不案。
〔一〕 靈帝熹平元年,悝被誣謀反自殺也。
〔二〕 華嶠書及宦者傳諸本並作「甫」,此云「酺」,未詳孰是也。
The term “Without Principle” 不道 is believed to be a formal legal term in this context, with conviction leading to punishment by clan extermination.
《後漢書.卷五十.孝明八王列傳第四十》
寵善弩射,十發十中,中皆同處。〔一〕中平中,黃巾賊起,郡縣皆棄城走,寵有彊弩數千張,出軍都亭。〔二〕國人素聞王善射,不敢反叛,故陳獨得完,百姓歸之者眾十餘萬人。及獻帝初,義兵起,寵率眾屯陽夏,〔三〕自稱輔漢大將軍。國相會稽駱俊素有威恩,時天下飢荒,鄰郡人多歸就之,俊傾資賑贍,並得全活。後袁術求糧於陳而俊拒絕之,術忿恚,遣客詐殺俊及寵,陳由是破敗。〔四〕
〔一〕 華嶠書曰:「寵射,其祕法以天覆地載,參連為奇。又有三微、三小。三微為經,三小為緯,經緯相將,萬勝之方,然要在機牙。」
〔二〕 置軍營於國之都亭也。
〔三〕 縣名,屬淮陽國。夏音公雅反。
〔四〕 謝承書曰:「俊字孝遠,烏傷人。察孝廉,補尚書侍郎,擢拜陳國相。人有產子,厚致米肉,達府主意,生男女者,以駱為名。袁術使部曲將張闓陽私行到陳,之俊所,俊往從飲酒,因詐殺俊,一郡吏人哀號如喪父母。」
是時諸國無復租祿,而數見虜奪,并日而食,轉死溝壑者甚眾。夫人姬妾多為丹陵兵烏桓所略云。
《後漢書.七十五.劉焉袁術呂布列傳第六十五》
建安二年,因河內張炯符命,遂果僭號,自稱「仲家」。〔一〕以九江太守為淮南尹,置公卿百官,郊祀天地。乃遣使以竊號告呂布,并為子娉布女。布執術使送許。〔二〕術大怒,遣其將張勳、橋蕤攻布,大敗而還。術又率兵擊陳國,誘殺其王寵及相駱俊,曹操乃自征之。術聞大駭,即走度淮,留張勳、橋蕤於蘄陽,〔三〕以拒操。〔操〕擊破斬蕤,而勳退走。術兵弱,大將死,眾情離叛。加天旱歲荒,士民凍餒,江、淮閒相食殆盡。時舒仲應為術沛相,術以米十萬斛與為軍糧,仲應悉散以給飢民。術聞怒,陳兵將斬之。仲應曰:「知當必死,故為之耳。寧可以一人之命,救百姓於塗炭。」術下馬牽之曰:「仲應,足下獨欲享天下重名,不與吾共之邪?」
〔一〕 「仲」或作「沖」。
〔二〕 時獻帝在許。
〔三〕 水經曰:「蘄水出江夏蘄春縣北山。」酈元注云:「即蘄山也。西南流經蘄山,又南對蘄陽,注于大江,亦謂之蘄陽口。」
See the HHS treatises on “prefectures and states” for geographical administration and census counts.
《後漢書.卷五十.孝明八王列傳第四十》子哀王宜嗣,數月薨,無子,建安十一年國除。
《後漢書.卷五十.孝明八王列傳第四十》豹立八年薨,子暠嗣。三十二年,遭黃巾賊,棄國走,建安十一年國除。
《後漢書.卷五十五.章帝八王傳》忠立十三年薨,嗣子為黃巾所害,建安十一年,以無後,國除。
At least, not directly. In SGZ 31 we are told that Liú Yān leveraged his distant relation to the Imperial family in order to get enough attention to eventually secure a government bureaucracy position. It is possible that other Liú may have leveraged their family name in similar informal ways.